Parties offer candidates for next prime minister

The next head of Latvia’s government might be a former finance minister, the current minister for regional development or a longtime member of the Saeima, if one of three political parties gets its way.

President Valdis Zatlers, who will have to nominate the next prime minister, was scheduled to have a series of meetings Feb. 24 with representatives from several political parties. Meanwhile, three parties already have put forward the names of whom they would like to replace Ivars Godmanis, who resigned Feb. 20.

The conservative People’s Party (Tautas partija), which has the largest representation in the Saeima, wants Edgars Zalāns to become prime minister. Zalāns, 41, is a member of the People’s Party board of directors and is the current minister of regional development and local government. The party announced Zalāns as its choice on Feb. 22.

The People’s Party, one of four parties in the current coalition government, joined with the Union of Greens and Farmers (Zaļo un Zemnieku savienība) to pressure Godmanis to step down. Godmanis is a member of Latvia’s Way (Latvijas ceļš), which is partnered with the First Party of Latvia (Latvijas Pirmā partija).

Conservative opposition party New Era (Jaunais laiks) announced Feb. 23 that it wants Valdis Dombrovskis to lead the new government. Dombrovskis, 37, is a former finance minister and currently is a member of the European Parliament. New Era has twice before nominated him to be prime minister, in 2006 and 2007.

Dombrovskis’ candidacy is supported by the Civic Union (Pilsoniskā savienība), a breakaway conservative party led by former foreign minister Sandra Kalniete and former interior and defense minister Ģirts Valdis Kristovskis.

The socialdemocratic Harmony Centre (Saskaņas centrs), meanwhile, has told the president that the next prime minister needs to be nonpartisan or come from its ranks—namely 49-year-old Jānis Urbanovičs, chair of the party’s parliamentary caucus. Urbanovičs has served in every Saeima since the restoration of Latvian independence. Representatives of Harmony Centre met with the president on Feb. 23, according to a press release from the party.

Andris Straumanis is a special correspondent for and a co-founder of Latvians Online. From 2000–2012 he was editor of the website.

Prime minister Godmanis steps down

After a last-minute meeting with Latvia’s president, Prime Minister Ivars Godmanis announced Feb. 20 that he is stepping down.

In a press briefing following the short afternoon meeting, President Valdis Zatlers said he had accepted the prime minister’s resignation and will begin discussions Feb. 23 on choosing someone new to lead the government.

The prime minister’s decision came hours after leaders of two coalition partners, the People’s Party (Tautas partija) and the Union of Greens and Farmers (Zaļo un zemnieku savienība, or ZZS), told Zatlers that the government could not continue with its current makeup.

The prime minister will continue to govern until Zatlers invites a new prime minister and he or she is approved by the Saeima.

The prime minister said through a spokesman that he was ready to continue serving as long as necessary to protect his successor from assaults by the public and the mass media in the face of Latvia’s worsening economy and the need to fulfill obligations to international financial institutions.

Godmanis, a member of the First Party of Latvia / Latvia’s Way (Latvijas Pirmā partija / Latvijas ceļš), became prime minister in December 2007.

Godmanis survived a Feb. 4 parliamentary vote of no confidence that had been initiated by the opposition New Era (Jaunais laiks) party. But he irked the president the following week when the Cabinet of Ministers decided not to approve a government reorganization plan that Godmanis had promised to deliver. On hearing of the decision, Zatlers on Feb. 13 issued a statement saying he had lost confidence in the prime minister. However, following a Feb. 16 meeting with Godmanis, the two appeared to have resolved their differences.

Calls for the government to step down have been heard from different corners during the past several months as Latvia’s economy, once one of the fastest growing in Europe, began to collapse late last year.

New Era on Feb. 20 called on all parties in the Saeima, except for the pro-Moscow party For Human Rights in a United Latvia (Par cilvēka tiesībām vienotā Latvijā, or PCTVL), to talks on forming a new government.

“Parties represented in the Saeima finally have to understand their responsiblity before the voters, have to stop bickering about unimportant things and must unite for common work,” New Era Chair Solvita Āboliņa said in a press release.

Likewise, the People’s Party and ZZS announced they are ready to work on forming a new government, but also without PCTVL.

Andris Straumanis is a special correspondent for and a co-founder of Latvians Online. From 2000–2012 he was editor of the website.

Amid crisis, penguins feel the heat

The past two months have seen unprecedented events buffeting Latvia’s politics, and have deepened the crisis that now threatens both Latvia’s economy and normal constitutional processes.

The violence of Jan. 13, when a peaceful protest meeting was followed by street trashing and looting in Riga’s Old Town, was shocking. Latvia had never experienced such wanton violence. Political change has always come peacefully, and even in the break-up of the Soviet Union the little violence that occurred came only from Soviet forces. Now it was civilian violence. Although it was condemned by all political forces and seems to have been the uncoordinated ramblings of youth gangs, the violence brought considerable political fallout. Many observers have asked why security forces were almost absent, despite warnings of trouble. Others argued this whole incident showed how low both the government and the Saeima had fallen in public trust and authority.

The build-up to this incident is worth considering.

In December, the government was still coping with the effects of the Parex Bank bailout, begging for its own bailout from the International Monetary Fund, and facing increased hostility from an aroused public. Important decisions such as the appointment of a new head of the Corruption Prevention and Combating Bureau (Korupcijas novēršanas un apkarošanas birojs, or KNAB) were delayed. It was also struggling with its own intended reforms: nearly halving the number of government ministries to 10, reducing the large number of local government entities, and limiting government spending. And it was not helped by its own ministers. Finance Minister Atis Slakteris crashed when agreeing to give an interview on the Latvian economic crisis to financial channel Bloomberg, inexplicably conducting it in his poor English. He characterised the crisis as “Nothing special” and assured viewers that “We will be taupīgi (thrifty).”

President Valdis Zatlers, originally seen as a ruling coalition puppet, had been increasingly active in attempts to solve the political crisis, suggesting a government of national unity, trying to get all parties to support the IMF borrowing, and pressing forward with his constitutional amendments that would, inter alia, make it easier to dismiss the Saeima.

On Dec. 12, the Saeima in an all-night sitting accepted the government’s proposed stabilisation plan and IMF borrowing, savagely cutting government spending, and raising income and value-added taxes. Prime Minister Ivars Godmanis stunned many by calling this Saeima one of the strongest parliaments in Europe to be able to take such decisive action.

Godmanis’ rhetoric was again to the fore on New Year’s Eve, when in words and images that would hitherto be indelibly associated with him, he referred to the Antarctic penguins who, in the coldest winter, would lock together shoulder to shoulder in groups, helping each other to keep warm and survive. This was how Latvians needed to help and support one another in this time of financial crisis.

While a goldmine for political cartoonists, such rhetoric also brought massive dissatisfaction. As commentators wryly pointed out, the penguins protect those most vulnerable who are kept warmest in the middle, while in Latvia it is the very opposite. The wealthiest are most protected by a number of measures—for example, no capital gains tax, no progressive taxation, loopholes in how much public servants and advisors can be paid—while the increased tax burden falls most heavily on those with medium or low incomes. As a particularly obnoxious example, transport minister and chief nasty Ainars Šlesers appointed his chauffeur’s son to a position on a government board for a salary of LVL 4,000 per month (about EUR 5,500) when pensioners have to survive on a 20th of this sum. Artis Pabriks, one of the leaders of the breakaway opposition group Society for a Different Politics (Sabiedrība citai politikai, or SCP), argued that quite contrary to Godmanis’ assertions, nowhere else in Europe would a parliament take the steps the Latvian parliament had taken. Raising taxes, lowering government spending and not controlling speculation were the exact opposite of what other European governments are doing to meet the economic crisis. 

On Jan. 13, the SCP called for an evening mass meeting to show popular anger at the government and to call for a new Saeima election. The meeting passed peacefully but with largely uninspiring speeches and little resolution, to be followed by the unexpected violence. It should be said that such violence has also been seen recently in several other European countries, with Iceland and Greece to the fore, and Lithuania a few days later, but in Rīga it struck in a particular way at Latvian political culture: every previous problem, no matter how severe, had always been met by avoiding violence and believing in collective action, non-violent persistence and discipline. Now this self-belief was challenged by an anarchic alienation.

The events of Jan. 13 galvanised the president into even more action. Angrily, he called on the Saeima and government to undertake a number of actions by March 31 or he would call for the dismissal of the Saeima (if the president does this, it must go to a referendum). He wanted the speedy and transparent appointment of the KNAB director, for the coalition government to include other parties, and for the Saeima to pass several long-lingering electoral reform and constitutional amendments.

Meanwhile, others were taking matters into their own hands. Farmers were outraged by a series of blunders and lack of support from Agriculture Minister Mārtiņš Roze, who was forced to resign after they drove their tractors to Rīga. Long-standing Culture Minister Helena Demakova also resigned, citing health problems, prompting commentators to opine the rats were leaving the sinking (and penguin-led?) ship.

Yet the coalition maintained its hold on power. It adopted some electoral reforms and seems to be nearing appointment of a KNAB director, but has fudged on Zatlers’ other demands and has been inert on widening the coalition. Meanwhile some parties are trying to make political capital. The People’s Party (Tautas partija) after Jan. 13 announced it would propose a constitutional amendment—which against precedent it would try to apply to this Saeima—to allow the Saeima to prorogue itself, a measure not currently allowed. Earlier it had absolutely opposed any such move. This seems to be another attempt by a discredited party to regain some popularity. But in coalition meetings and Saeima votes the People’s Party supports the coalition.

On Feb. 5, the opposition New Era party (Jaunais laiks)—itself unable to gain much political traction as a result of the political and financial crisis—moved a long-awaited motion of no-confidence in the government. The motion eventually lost, with a bare 51 votes against (the Saeima has 100 deputies), showing the paper-thin majority the coalition still commands. However, the event was marked however by a piece of political triteness that nevertheless symbolises the current divide in Latvian politics. Just before the debate, persons unknown had left a little brightly wrapped “gift” for Godmanis at the door of the Saeima. No, it was not a bomb, but a few trinkets left by supposed admirers. In the photo coverage of the event, all cameras were glued to the scene of Godmanis, seated before the Saeima, feigning surprise and untying the dainty package. Behind him was a full battery of the oligarchic ministers, at ease, self-satisfied and in no hurry to respond to any serious political or economic crisis. Nothing special.