Claiming Latvians are everywhere, sweeping novel proves entertaining

Latvieši ir visur

When I visited Latvia this spring, where the novel Latvieši ir visur was still a bestseller, I heard that it was something of a parlor game to try guessing the real name behind the author’s pseudonym “Otto Ozols.”

The supposedly autobiographical story is an entertaining series of international escapades, and an easy read— even if, like me, you were such a lazy little beast in Latvian school that reading literature is now a painfully slow slog.

According to the book’s Facebook page, an English translation is already in the works, and the author’s straightforward, economical style should survive the translation intact.

A brief synopsis: the young narrator, Ozols, defects to the West in 1990 and settles in Berlin, where he meets and begins working for Rihards, an expatriate Latvian businessman with a history (Ozols calls him his “patrons”).  He moves furniture for households relocating internationally, then becomes a courier, and in this capacity meets many illustrious persons whose correspondence is too sensitive to entrust to a normal delivery service. These encounters give rise to conversations and reflections voiced by the characters about politics, history, various national cultures, and the remarkable places that Latvians keep popping up—which gives the book its title.

The catalog of Latvians everywhere includes illustrious emigrés and the early Bolshevik all-stars murdered by Josef Stalin, but also extends to the notion that Latvians (notably Boriss Pugo!) were instrumental in the well-planned dismantling of the Soviet Union. Although the book’s cover cites reviews that lead one to expect a “Chicken Soup for the Self-Hating Latvian Soul,” Ozols is sophisticated and jaded enough to avoid simply rooting for the home team.

Latvieši ir visur is not really a globālais trillers (global thriller) as the cover claims, but it is global in the sense that the author has a feel for viewing the world with Soviet Latvian, post-Soviet Latvian, Western-world Latvian, and non-Latvian perspectives. He writes without fear or walls of personal animosity or dogma, and brings the farthest-flung cultural references into play.  Considering how Latvians can a) get their backs up about the pettiest, stupidest things, and b) internalize the assumptions of whatever culture they grew up in (for example, white American suburbanite), this is a real accomplishment.  Ozols gives communism, capitalism, Russians, Jews, gays, Western Europeans, and Americans fair (if ironic) treatment and the benefit of the doubt, and his book is all the more enjoyable for it. He does fire a shot across the bow at Latvia’s arch-enemy, Sweden. Why Sweden? Read the book, or Google-search economist Michael Hudson’s (pro-Harmony Center, cue ominous music) articles.

Interestingly, Ozols expresses no concern about the unassimilated Soviet-era settlers in Latvia, whom many Latvians who dwell on Latvianness fear and distrust as a possible fifth column for Moscow. Indeed, he has a soft spot for Russians, though he has no illusions about the Russian state. He admires the Scandinavians for their balance of freedom with social solidarity, though he has harsh words for their bankers and politicians, which he extends to rich elites of all countries—particularly Latvia. A businessman whom the narrator meets on a flight to Boston encapsulates, hilariously, everything that Ozols finds wrong with current-day speculative capitalism, and his term for the common people who have to pay for it all—penguins—is a brick hurled at former Prime Minister Ivars Godmanis (whose pingvīni remark earned him great scorn) and by extension the corrupt Latvian political and bizness establishment of the past 20 years. Anyone who has been following the current government standoff needs no elaboration on this topic.

The one area where Ozols shies away from possible political incorrectness is in writing about the Jews, whether in general or in discussing how Jewish and Latvian history has been interrelated. Given the bitter history and mutual recriminations over Nazi and Soviet atrocities, and how badly and crudely some Latvians have written about Jewish topics, treading carefully is a sensible approach.

As a world-historical, geopolitical vision, Latvieši ir visur is compelling and almost believable, much like the Soviet Union. On the details of daily life, though, the book founders, also like the Soviet Union: the narrator’s gorgeous girlfriend leaves him for her gorgeous lipstick-lesbian lover, and, consoling himself with a drunken weekend of skiing the French Alps, he meets the even more gorgeous California girl whom he lives with in Hamburg for the rest of the 1990s. Well, if you’re going to write magical realism, you might as well throw in some good sex for yourself. That’s my motto, anyway.

Ozols’ treatment of America and Americans is, like other topics, nuanced and neither fawning nor demonizing.  Conspicuous by their absence are the trimda (exile) Latvians as a group: the one American Latvian in the story is the Manhattanite Jāņsons, a well-connected, urbane, down-to-earth artist.  As an American Latvian I was relieved that Ozols did not use his satirical filet knives on us, given how many trimda gatherings, in my experience, have been festivals of false consciousness. Perhaps he is saving that for the sequel.

The story’s believability founders as well on details such as American names. The narrator calls his California girl Lisa, because her real name reminds him too much of a tiresome city he travels to for his work:

“Vecāki esot turīgi viesnīcas speciālisti… savu meitu viņi nosaukuši Francijas galvaspilsētas vārdā.” 

Rich hotel family, daughter named Paris: if plausibility is a boat, this is a serious leak. And the fellow whom she finally leaves him for, as more suitable husband material, is named William Jefferson. Hmm, wasn’t there a William Jefferson Someone with a girlfriend from L.A. in the news around that time? 

Whatever its flaws, Latvieši ir visur is worth reading, especially for those who avoid tackling books in Latvian—and there’s no shame in that. After all, it’s been three generations now that trimda Latvians have been holding onto the language as best we can. The author presents an easy target for critics to swat at, not hiding behind ironic frames-within-frames (apart from the pseudonym), but swinging from a jungle vine, yelling, in leopard-print briefs. Yet, for an interesting, thought-provoking new book in Latvian that’s this much fun to read, we should be willing to forgive any literary sins. After all, we’ll always have Paris.

Details

Latvieši ir visur

Otto Ozols

Rīga:  Atēna,  2010

ISBN 9789984344096

Where to buy

Purchase Latvieši ir visur from iTunes.

Note: Latvians Online receives a commission on purchases.

Even before Saeima referendum, the scramble for the aftermath has begun

The last few weeks have seen an intensification of political activity in Latvia after President Valdis Zatlers proposed dismissing the Saeima, leading to the July 23 referendum on this question.

Since that time we have seen:

  • Zatlers not being appointed to a second term as president. In his stead the parliament voted in Andris Bērziņš.
  • Zatlers deciding he will form his own political party, Zatlers’ Reform Party (Zatlera reformu partija).
  • One of the older parties in the Saeima, the People’s Party (Tautas partija) voting to disband.
  • Intense jockeying in the governing centre party Unity (Vienotība) to regain popularity after Zatlers declined an invitation to join it.

Zatlers’ term in office concluded July 7, with increasingly political tones in his last pronouncements and activities. He repeatedly declared that politics in Latvia should not be run in the interests of the few, but should be based on transparency and honesty. Confronting the oligarchs will be a major theme of his campaign. With universal agreement that the referendum will approve the dismissal of the Saeima, the campaigning has already begun for the next election likely in September.

There had been much speculation over whether Zatlers would form his own party or take up the invitation to join Unity. It seems there were two factors that convinced him to go with his own party. First, his decision to begin the process of dismissing the Saeima has been hugely popular in Latvia, and he needed to ride this wave of popularity and support. Secondly, however, is the perception of Unity that it precisely lacks unity, that it has had to make too many compromised decisions as the leading party of the government coalition, and that for Zatlers to hitch his fortunes to that party may be to limit his influence rather than to maximise it.

It should be said that in political terms Zatlers’ move is a considerable gamble. One outcome of the election could well be that the Moscow-oriented Harmony Centre (Saskaņas centrs) could emerge as the largest party (it is the second-largest in the present Saeima after Unity). If it is able to build a coalition with the Union of Greens and Farmers (Zaļo un Zemnieku savienība), an opportunistic party that is at the centre of all coalition deals, we could have a Harmony Centre-Green and Farmers majority, and an prime minister from Harmony Centre. This would be enormously satisfying to Moscow but a danger to Latvia.

However, one other outcome, likely more desired by Zatlers, may be that his Reform Party, together with Unity and the National Alliance/All for Latvia! (Nacionālā apvienība/Visu Latvijai!) could gain the 50-plus mandates in the 100-member Saeima.

In his program, Zatlers has not ruled out an alliance even with the Harmony Centre, but he sets a precondition: Harmony Centre must recognise that Latvia was occupied by the Soviet Union, a point of seeming obsucre historical semantics, but a vital core value for all Latvian parties, and one that Harmony Centre has continually evaded.

Meanwhile, Unity has suffered from its own lack of unity, as well as from a continual attack on its policies of austerity and the shenannegins of its coaltion partner, the Union of Greens and Farmers. First, Unity has always been a coalition itself of three groupings that has struggled to give an impression of unity on major issues, with two factions in particular intense disagreement over policy directions and the question of whether an alliance with Harmony Centre should be ever thought of. Second, the austerity measures of cutting budgets, lowering wages and raising taxes—to satisfy the demands of the International Monetary Fund and other lenders—has caused widespread disillusionment. This comes ironically at the very point where the economy seems finally to be turning around, and where even more bizarrely Latvia and the other Baltic states are being used as examples of how countries can get out of the global financial crisis, while seemingly richer countries such as Greece cannot.

Also wounding for Unity has been the constantly undermining by its coalition partner. The most galling example of this was the election to president of Andris Bērziņš, who is a Union of Greens and Farmers member, a banker and one of the fat cats of the Latvian establishment. In interviews Bērziņš cannot even admit there is any oligarch influence in Latvian politics, yet he is a close friend of them all.

Nevertheless, the reality of a looming election has made politicians behave in public. All parties agreed to dismiss the head of the Corruption Prevention and Combating Bureau (Korupcijas novēršanas un apkarošanas birojs) Normunds Vilnītis, a man clearly out of his depth in the position. The Saeima also agreed to stronger measures to ensure competence in the Latvian language in professional occupations, a clear sign of Harmony Centre (which usually supports a stronger role for Russian in public affairs) not wanting to rock the boat and scaring off Latvian voters who may vote for it. Such stances will likely not survive the election.

One party that may not survive the election is For a Good Latvia! (Par labu Latviju!, or PLL). Part of PLL, the long-standing People’s Party, has just decided to disband, perhaps encouraged by a looming conclusion to a long legal process to bring it to account for overspending at past Saeima elections. The People’s Party was the leading party of the previous Saeima when it was seen as largely responsible for Latvia’s troubles in the global financial crisis. For the first time, there is a feeling that the oligarchs’ ability to manipulate public opinion is being challenged, and a returned Saeima with the PLL removed would be a significant step forward in the slow crawl to democracy.

Much remains unknown as the various factions and parties position themselves for the post-referendum scramble to the elections. Zatlers’ initiative in dismissing the Saeima has been seen as a splendid move. It remains to be seen if Zatlers’ involvement in the messier side of politics away from the presidential chair will be just as productive.

Polling stations open in preparation for referendum on Saeima’s dismissal

Polling stations in Latvia and abroad began work July 13 in preparation for a referendum that could result in dismissal of the 10th Saeima.

The stations—including 78 abroad—will have information about the balloting process available for anyone interested, according to the Central Election Commission in Rīga.

The polling stations are to be open four hours per day from July 13-July 22. Hours are to be set by local election officials. The referendum is scheduled from 7 a.m. to 10 p.m. local time on July 23.

Also, persons who for medical or other reasons will not be able to get to a polling station may apply to vote in their home or hospital. Further information about the application process and deadline is available from the election commission’s website at www.cvk.lv.

The referendum was initiated after then-President Valdis Zatlers used his constitutional power to call for the parliament’s dismissal. If the referendum succeeds, the 100 members of the Saeima will lose their posts and new elections will be held in September. If the referendum fails, the president is supposed to step down, but Zatlers’ term in office expired July 7.

A list of polling stations is available from the commission’s website in PDF or Microsoft Word format. In order to vote, a person must have a valid Latvian passport and be at least 18 years old.