12th Saeima Elections – A Few More Weeks

The people of Latvia will be going to the polls on October 4 to elect members of the 12th Saeima, or Parliament. 100 seats are up for grabs, and voters are almost spoilt for choice, as there are no fewer than 13 lists of candidates to choose from. True, most of them have virtually no hope whatever of overcoming the 5% vote barrier that is needed to win any seats at all.

What is certain is that four of the five parties that are in the Saeima right now will retain seats there after the election. The exception is the Reform Party that was set up in advance of the previous election by former President Valdis Zatlers, who dissolved the 10th Saeima after becoming entirely fed up with its venal approach toward life and then established his own party, going on to win more than 20 seats. Alas, the party’s faction split up almost before parliamentary work began, the RP nominated several fairly eccentric government ministers who did nothing so much as to annoy the sectors for which they were responsible, and by the time this year’s election rolled around, the party threw in the towel. Some of its more popular and visible members were scooped up by the governing Unity party, but the RP as such remains present only at the local government level.

Unity will certainly return to Parliament. It won’t get anywhere near the nearly one-half of votes that it received in this spring’s European Parliament Election, but it will not do too shabbily. The others that will return without a problem are the Latvian Alliance of the Green Party and Farmers Union (ZZS), the National Alliance (NA), and what is now known as the Social Democratic Harmony Party – the one that grew out of the old far-left For Human Rights in a United Latvia and has undergone various transmogrifications ever since in an attempt to make nice with people outside of its traditional electorate of non-Latvians who are nostalgic about the Soviet Union. Polls right now suggest that Unity and Harmony are at the top of the rankings, with the ZZS and NA lagging behind. One or the other should win the largest number of votes, but as plenty of people who are polled still say that they are undecided, it would be foolhardy to make a guess as to which one it will be. Certainly people at Unity are hoping that they, the ZZS and the NA will win a majority so that they can put together the new governing coalition and leave Harmony, as always, in opposition.

Among the other parties that are contesting the election, the best chances appear to rest with the rather clumsily named From the Heart for Latvia party that was set up by Latvia’s former National Auditor, Inguna Sudraba. Some polls have suggested that the party may overcome the 5% barrier, one going so far as to suggest a rating of nearly 9%.   Coming from the hard left is the Alliance of Latvians in Russia, which is unapologetically pro-Russian, continues to insist that Russian should be a state language in Latvia, continues to insist that citizenship must automatically be given to everyone, has cosy relations with the terrorists in South-eastern Ukraine and Crimea, etc.   Any votes that it gets will come from the Harmony column, and although the alliance is lagging far behind in the polls, experience shows that people who are planning to vote for the hard left sometimes do not tell pollsters that they are planning to do so. Certainly one of the leading lights of the party, Tatjana Zdanoka, found enough support in the European Parliament election to return to Brussels for another five years in spite of the fact that she basically represents Moscow and the Kremlin there, not Latvia as such.

Several other parties have been set up with big hopes, but, as Texans would put it, “that dog won’t hunt.” Former Prime Minister Einars Repše is hoping that people will forget that he was a fairly eccentric prime minister back in the day – raised his own salary as the first order of business after taking office, conducted a big, supposedly anti-corruption-based witch hunt at government agencies with the result that plenty of those who were sacked were later reinstated by the courts, once said that Latvian cinema should not receive any government funding because he personally could not think of even one Latvian movie that he liked, etc.   The peripatetic former transportation minister and deputy mayor of Rīga Ainars Šlesers, for his part, is hoping that people will have forgotten that he was the poster boy for nepotism at the Transportation Ministry, famously once appointing someone to a job at a state-owned company because the man’s father had once been Šlesers’ chauffeur. He has brought together some true dinosaurs of Latvian politics, including Jānis Jurkāns, who was Latvia’s first post-independence foreign minister, spent some time in hopeless opposition in Parliament, and has been gone from politics for a while now, former Prime Minister (twice) Ivars Godmanis, who lost his seat in the European Parliament when the party from which he had been elected (one of Šlesers’ many political projects during the past decade and more) dissolved, and, God help us, former Prime Minister Aigars Kalvītis, who presided over the orgy of spending that drove Latvia straight into the ditch when the global financial crisis erupted in 2007 and 2008.   In both cases, it appears that there is little chance that the parties will win any seats at all.

Beyond that there are the usual more or less loony tunes – a party called Sovereignty, a party called Growth, a party called Freedom: Freedom from Fear, Hatred and Anger, the New Conservative Party, the Latvian Alliance of Regions, and so on. Almost certainly losers one and all.

Inasmuch as there has been mudslinging in this campaign, it has primarily been focused on Unity, which has led the government since March 2009 and may be suffering a bit of road fatigue insofar as the electorate is concerned, and on Sudraba and her party, apparently because she and it are seen as the biggest threat against the established parties. In the former case, some fuss has been raised about the fact that several visible Unity people (as well as the country’s defence minister, who comes from the ZZS) went on holiday this past summer with a man representing a company that earlier this month was chosen by the Cabinet of Ministers in a process that was rather less than transparent to become the lead investor in Latvia’s Citadele Bank. In Sudraba’s case, there have been many claims from others that she is a Trojan horse for Russian interests in Latvia, though little in the way of hard evidence in support of that claim has been produced and presented. Worse for her has been the fact that several members of her own party, including a few who were actually on the party’s candidate list, resigned earlier this year, with some of them going to law enforcement agencies to claim that documents were forged when the party was founded.

The campaign has been a comparatively quiet one, largely because a few years ago Parliament voted to ban television advertising for a month before an election. This has led parties to focus on radio, the Internet, outdoor advertising and direct mail. A few times a week I find party “newsletters” in my mailbox (and toss them into the bin straight away).   Sudraba’s face is on billboards all around Riga, while many mini-buses are decorated with the photogenic image of Mārtiņš Bondars from the Alliance of Regions. Latvian Television and Radio Latvia give all of the candidate lists free airtime as a matter of law, debates are being held on television and radio, but TV ads are gone. That is all for the best.

Foreign policy is traditionally not much of a focus for Latvia’s political parties during election campaigns, and that remains true today. In the face of Russia’s ongoing misbehaviour in the geopolitical world, Unity, the ZZS and the NA all talk in their campaign platforms about strengthening defence, raising the defence budget, developing the Latvian Home Guard, and so on. The Harmony platform says nothing whatsoever about foreign policy at all, which is probably logical seeing as how the party probably would like everyone to forget that it is still an agreement-based partner of Vladimir Putin’s dictator party in Russia and that Harmony has been all over the map in relation to the annexation of Crimea and the invasion of Ukraine.

To summarise, it is likely that the next Saeima will be rather similar to the present one, with the possible exception of the Sudraba party. For Latvian citizens who live abroad, I would suggest that there are really no more than two sensible choices. Unity has led Latvia out of the economic crisis, and although it is not at all perfect, it is the logical choice for those who wish to continue down the path of economic reform and international co-operation. The National Alliance is rather much too xenophobic for my tastes, but there are those in the electorate who favour its “everything for Latvia” approach to life. The ZZS in my view is disqualified both because it is utterly abnormal for pesticide-using farmers and environmental activists to be in a single party and because the party still has its agreement with the Ventspils Party and its venal boss, Aivars Lembergs. I absolutely cannot and will not recommend a vote for anyone else. A vote cast for a party that does not reach 5% is a vote wasted, because such votes will be redistributed among the parties that have surpassed the barrier, and so a vote for a petty party may mean accidentally voting for Harmony and its pro-Russian interests. Certainly I hope that citizens will make the effort to go to the polls on October 4 or have already voted by mail. I know that in many countries Latvian election precincts are far, far away. In Canada, for instance, precincts can only be open in official diplomatic facilities, which means Ottawa and Toronto, and that does nothing for someone in Alberta or Vancouver. But at the end of the day we are all co-responsible for the future of our country. We live in terribly complex times, and it is of utmost importance to elect a Saeima and, thus, a government that is sensible. This relates not only to Russia’s aggression, but also to the fact that during the first half of next year, Latvia will be the presiding country of the European Union. No time for fools.

Kārlis Streips was born in Chicago, studied journalism at the University of North Illinois and University of Maryland. He moved to Latvia in 1991 where he has worked as a TV and radio journalist. He also works as a translator and lecturer at the University of Latvia.

Five More Years for Some, New Career for Others

The European Parliament election that took place last weekend throughout Europe was significant for a number of reasons. For one thing, there was every expectation that more radically inclined candidates would do particularly well from extremist parties such as the National Front in France, UKIP in Great Britain, Golden Dawn in Greece, and so on. In the event, representatives of such groups could, in some cases, crow about victory once the votes were counted, but it is likely that they will face something of a cold shower when they get to Brussels, because their total numbers remain comparatively insignificant against the 751 Euro MPs who were elected in total, and it is also true that extremists tend to be holier than thou about their beliefs, and there is no particular reason to believe that all of them, whether major whack jobs or minor loonies, will find common ground on much of anything.

It is also true that this time around the European Union tried to be all democratic about the process of finding a new chairman for the European Commission. The various political groups in the EP nominated candidates, the candidates trotted around Europe to take part in debates, and it was generally declared that the political group that got the most votes would be the political group that would provide the next chairman (as opposed to selecting the chairman via behind-the-scenes bargaining, as has been the case in the past). In the event, candidates headed toward membership in the European People’s Party group nosed out candidates from the Socialists and Democrats group, and the EPP candidate, Jean Claude Juncker, immediately declared readiness to take over the top spot. Not so quick, said the others. At this writing, it is not a done deal.

In Latvia, as usual, more than a dozen parties and alliances put up candidates for election, and, also as usual, only a few actually surmounted the 5% vote barrier that is required to win any seats at all. Readers will probably know that these were Unity, which exceeded all possible expectations by winning nearly one-half of the overall vote, the National Alliance, which came in at 14%, Harmony in at 13%, the Latvian Alliance of the Green Party and Farmers Union (ZZS) at 8%, and the Latvian Association of Russians finishing the list with 6%. Down at the bottom of the list was a political party called “Sovereignty,” which managed to poll a magnificent 599 votes, or 0.13%.

Of the eight candidates who were elected to the EP, four are returning to the EP for a second or, in two cases, a third term. These are Sandra Kalniete and Krišjānis Kariņš from Unity (second term), Roberts Zīle from the National Alliance, and Tatjana Ždanoka from the Association of Russians (third term in both cases). Also winning a seat for Unity was former Prime Minister Valdis Dombrovskis, who has been a member of the EP in the past. The newcomers are former Defense Minister Artis Pabriks for Unity, former television journalist Andrejs Mamikins for Harmony, and Latvian MP Iveta Grigule for the ZZS. Mr. Dombrovskis is going to be Latvia’s nominee for a post on the European Commission (and, dare one whisper it, perhaps a dark horse, last-minute candidate for the chairmanship), so his seat is going to become vacant once the EC is set up, and that will allow Inese Vaidere from Unity to return to the EP, also for a second term.

These eight people were elected to the EP by a comparatively small proportion of Latvia’s electorate – just 30% or so. Saturday, May 24, when the vote took place, was a lovely day in Latvia, temperatures up in the 30s if you’re apt to think in Celsius terms or 80s if you’re a Fahrenheit type of person. That sent many people to their gardens or to the beach. Another issue was that voters in the election could not vote in any precinct they choose, they had to go to their specifically assigned precinct, based on where they were actually registered as residents. Many people in Latvia actually don’t live where they’re registered. And, of course, there are plenty of folks who don’t give a damn about the European Parliament.

I personally believe that this is terribly regrettable. Even if you are planning a day at the beach, go vote first, for heaven’s sake. If your thinking is that Latvia’s eight Euro MPs can’t get anything done, then you’re wrong, and if that’s your belief, why vote in any election at all? I have never missed a vote here in Latvia, whether at the local, national or international level or in the context of a referendum. I consider it my duty as a citizen of Latvia. Apparently I am in the minority in this belief.

Mrs. Grigule distinguished herself in this election by running a massive individual campaign. For the past year, she has been crisscrossing Latvia for various kinds of events. She has published several editions of a newsletter all about herself that were distributed in mailboxes near and far (the words “junk mail” sprang to mind every time I opened my mailbox to find one). True, Mrs. Grigule has been rather shady about where she got the money to do all of this, and she pretty much refused to take part in various debates with other candidates, but her activism was enough to allow her to jump from third place on the ZZS candidate list to first (readers may know that in Latvia, you select a party for which to vote, but then you can put a little plus sign next to the names of candidates whom you particularly favor and cross out those whom you do not like as much). True, big individual spending didn’t work for everyone. Another very visible candidate on posters and the like was the former director of the Latvian National Opera, Andrejs Žagars, who was running on behalf of a new political party called For Latvia’s Development. In the event, the party only won 2% of the vote or so, so no seat for Mr. Žagars.

Mrs. Ždanoka, in turn, needed 28,303 votes to ensure her election against 445,000 actual voters and a potential electorate of around 1.4 million. This is what happens when you’re too lazy to get your butt off the couch and go vote, as one of our more cynical commentators put it here in Latvia. Mrs. Ždanoka has spent her two terms at the European Parliament pursuing the interests not of the Republic of Latvia, but those of the Russian Federation. She has stated support for the idea of reestablishing the Soviet Union, perhaps in a version that she calls “USSR 2.0.” She has constantly claimed that Latvia’s government is hostile toward the interests of “Russian speakers” in the country and that fascism and neo-Nazism are rife in our country. Now she’s going to be back for another five years of such balderdash. True, Mrs. Ždanoka rather much shot herself in the foot with her immense enthusiasm over the “referendum” via which the good people of Crimea happily voted to leave Ukraine and join Russia instead. Her political group at the EP, the Greens/European Free Alliance, grumped about this to the point of suggesting that perhaps she will not be welcome in the group in the new session of the EP. Time will tell whether this comes to pass.

Mr. Mamikins, like Mrs. Grigule, was not first on the list of Harmony candidates. He was fourth. For many years, Mr. Mamikins hosted a popular Russian language television program on the TV5 channel, “No Censorship,” and it is likely that this helped him to gain the recognition that was necessary to move ahead of three other candidates. Among them is the veteran Latvian politician Boriss Cilēvičs, and no one has been less fortunate than he when it comes to EP elections. Ten years ago he was top of the list of a party that fell just short of the necessary 5%, five years ago he was second on the list but was pipped at the post by two others who were below him, and now this upstart from TV land beat him once again. So it goes.

Latvian citizens outside of Latvia cast a total of 2,369 valid votes. The Central Election Commission told me that it does not have data about where each of those votes were cast, but fully 72% of foreign voters cast their ballots for Unity, leaving the National Alliance (18%) far behind. No other party or alliance was even close to the 5% among foreign voters.

The bottom line here is that those citizens who actually did go to cast votes were largely rational. Mrs. Kalniete, Mr. Kariņš and Mrs. Vaidere have done a good, solid job at the European Parliament. Mr. Kariņš has distinguished himself as an expert on energy issues and has been the chief rapporteur on several pieces of legislation – something that is a big deal in the EP. National Alliance voters could have chosen a more nationalistically inclined candidate, but they chose to send Mr. Zīle back to Brussels. He, in turn, is known in the EP as an expert on transportation issues.

As for Harmony, the 13% that it got can be attributed very directly to the fact that this time around, so-called “Russian” voters were spoiled for choice. As noted, Mrs. Ždanoka ran separately, but so did two outgoing members of the EP who were elected five years ago from the Harmony list – former Soviet Latvian Communist Party boss (and convicted traitor) Alfrēds Rubiks, and Aleksandrs Mirskis, who this time represented the Latvian Socialist Party and a party called “Alternative” respectively. If you count up the total vote of Harmony, the Russian Association, the Socialist Party and “Alternative,” you get pretty close to the share of the vote that Harmony won in the last parliamentary election and almost precisely to the share of the vote that was cast in favor of a referendum a few years back to grant the status of a state language to the Russian language. This time the vote was split, and severely split.

This leads to the question of whether one can extrapolate the results of the European election for the purposes of the next parliamentary election, which is coming up on October 4 of this year. Here is a comparison of the votes received by each relevant party in the last election in 2011 and the EP election this year:

Party 2011 election EP election
Harmony 28.61% 13.04%
Unity 19.00% 46.19%
ZZS 12.32% 8.26%
National Alliance 14.00% 14.25%

Here we see that the NA’s electorate appears to be fairly stable (in the 2013 local government election, the party received around 17% of the vote in Rīga, presenting itself as the main opposition to the ruling cabal of Harmony Center and the oddly named Honor to Serve Rīga alliance). The ZZS did better in 2011 than it did this year, and it is likely that a substantial proportion of those 8.26% of voters cast their ballots for the ZZS specifically because of Mrs. Grigule’s campaign. Unity, in turn, did much, much better this time around than last, and Harmony did much, much worse. Is there reason to believe that the same will happen in October?

Well, no. Unity had a superstar team of candidates for the European election, and by sending many of its potential election “locomotives” to Brussels, it has left itself with a paucity of possible “locomotives” this autumn. Prime Minister Laimdota Straujuma is no great orator, and the fact is that the most popular members of Unity at this time are people who have recently joined the party from the now almost defunct Reform Party – people such as Foreign Minister Edgars Rinkēvičs and Education Minister Vjačeslavs Dombrovskis (no relation to the former prime minister). There is going to be a great ruckus when it comes time to put together the parliamentary candidate list in advance of October’s election. Even within Unity without the new arrivals from the RP there are factions and factions of factions which can be plenty quarrelsome. It won’t be easy.

As for Harmony, it has been busily rebranding itself as a “social democratic” party and trying to divert people’s attention from the fact that it still has a contractual partner in Russian President Vladimir Putin’s dictatorial United Russia party, that it continues to be congenitally unable to admit to the fact that Latvia suffered military occupation between the two world wars, and so on. The 28% of the vote that Harmony got in the 2011 election will be endangered this year if the aforementioned Socialist Party, “Alternative” and the Russian Association take part in the election. In the past, Harmony has pretty much had a lock on the “Russian” vote. That may not be the case this year.

The ZZS has a fairly locked-in electorate in Latvia, and voters in October will probably be thinking about different issues than those that applied to the European vote. It should do OK. And, as noted, the NA also has a fairly fixed electorate, and it is unlikely that it will do much better or worse in the autumn than it has in the past.

Latvians, too, will as ever be presented with a bewildering panoply of parties. Mr. Žagars’ For Latvia’s Development was established by Latvia’s fairly eccentric former Prime Minister Einars Repše. Then there is the Latvian Regional Alliance, whose existence as a “regional” kind of party may not have addressed too many people who were thinking at the continental and not regional level, but that may well not be true in a national election. Former National Auditor Ingūna Sudraba is establishing a party called From the Heart for Latvia, and her popularity as auditor may have something to do with her results in October (though the process has not been particularly promising – the thing that people most remember about the news conference at which Mrs. Sudraba presented her movement is that she fainted during the process).

In short, the vote in October will not be anywhere near the vote in last weekend’s European Parliament election. I believe that it is certain that seats in Parliament will be won by Unity, Harmony, the ZZS and the NA, the main question being whether Unity or Harmony comes out on top. The ability of the aforementioned other parties to get to the electorate will be circumscribed by the fact that political advertising on television is banned for a full month before each election. But for readers of this commentary and for all voters in Latvia’s various elections, the question is the same: Which parties are most likely to work hard on behalf of Latvia, her people, her economy, her security, and her future? There’s plenty of time yet to make up your mind, but already in May I am prepared to offer this suggestion: Don’t vote for the petty parties. That will only be a waste of your ballot, because the votes of those parties which get less than 5% are distributed among the parties that get more than 5%, and if you vote for a petty party thinking that your vote will go to Unity or the NA, it may equally well go to Harmony, and you wouldn’t want that, would you?

Kārlis Streips was born in Chicago, studied journalism at the University of North Illinois and University of Maryland. He moved to Latvia in 1991 where he has worked as a TV and radio journalist. He also works as a translator and lecturer at the University of Latvia.

Who’s Afraid of the Big, Bad Bear?

If countries were described in terms of human lifespans, it could fairly safely be said that Russia today is a teenage hooligan.

It lashes out whenever it wants to.  It prefers brawn over braininess.  It absolutely doesn’t care what anyone else thinks of it.  It refuses to play by any rules at all.  And whenever it is called on what it is doing, it retreats into a sulk.  Oh, poor me!  Nobody understands me!  I’m a good guy!  Why can’t others see that?

The scenario that has been playing out in Ukraine in recent weeks has been wearily familiar to anyone who watched what happened in Crimea.  A group of armed men, all of them wearing masks and all of them without any insignia whatever on their uniforms, storm an administrative building, raise the Russian flag above it (asked why on a television show that I watched recently, one of the masked men replied, “Because we are all Russians, and we want to be part of Russia”), proclaim an “independent republic,” announce that a referendum on the territory’s future is needed, and suggest that Russia should come to their aid just as soon as possible.

The Kremlin continues to blithely claim that in all cases, these men are a part of “self-defense” forces that are simply trying to protect ethnic Russians who are so terribly oppressed.  The rest of the world knows perfectly well that this is a bald-faced lie.  On the second or third day of events in Crimea, a television reporter found a “self-defense” activist who calmly declared that “We are Russian soldiers here.”  In one case in Eastern Ukraine, the “self-defense” activists proved that they were by no means local residents by first invading the local opera house.  Oops!

But one way or another, it is patently evident that the process is one that has been coordinated by someone from above.  In all cases, huge piles of vehicle tires and sandbags have been brought in to barricade the occupied buildings.  Last weekend the process occurred more or less simultaneously in multiple locations, thus again suggesting thorough choreography.  There is no reason to disbelieve the US ambassadress to the United Nations, Samantha Powers, who told an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council that clearly the whole process has been coordinated in Russia.

As to the rest of Ukraine, Moscow has been putting pressure on the new/old government in Kyiv, first announcing that Ukraine owes Russia $16 billion (when in fact the debt is more like $2.2 billion, i.e., a lot less), and then magnanimously announcing in the person of Russian boss Vladimir Putin that no, no, Russia won’t insist on the rapid repayment of the loan, but also pointedly stating that this will be true only if Ukraine doesn’t “cross a line after which there is no retreat.”  Of course, it will be Russia and only Russia that will determine where that line is and what kind of activity would mean crossing it, and that means that the central government in Kyiv is in a “damned if you do, damned if you don’t”  kind of situation.  If the authorities do nothing, then the Ukrainian government will be seen as weak, and that will encourage the Kremlin to push it around to an even greater degree.  If it turns its (not inconsiderable) military force against the rebels in what Kyiv has described as an “anti-terrorism operation,” then that may well prove to be a pretext for a full Russian invasion – again to “protect ethnic Russians.”  Not that Russia has polled “ethnic Russians” in Eastern Ukraine to ask whether they need any protecting.  Certainly there has been nothing to suggest that they are being singled out for any kind of discrimination or repression.  It is also true that in every single oblast (district) of Eastern Ukraine where administrative buildings have been attacked and occupied, the majority of residents are not Russians at all.  In this, these territories differ from Crimea, where 80% of residents were Russians, and so it was comparatively easy to convince them to vote in a referendum that they should just join Russia and be done with it.  Elsewhere in Ukraine – not so much.

Received wisdom differs on what Russia might do next.  There is a school of thought to say that Vladimir Putin is not interested in occupying Ukraine, all that he wants is to create such instability there that the European Union and, crucially, NATO would never think of inviting it to become a member.  The EU has already moved forward with signing the political side of a potential association agreement with Ukraine.  The problem is that that is the easy part.  Far more difficult will be the economic reforms upon which the EU (and also the IMF and other international agencies) will insist before further relations can be developed.  This would include things such as raising the price of utility services to the cost level, which would clearly be most unpopular among Ukraine’s residents.

There is also the question of the immense level of corruption in Ukraine.  No one has forgotten that in addition to the palatial digs of former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovich, a similarly over-the-top home was inhabited by the country’s now former prosecutor general.  This begs the question of the power and authority of the central government.  The Upper Rada, or Parliament, of Ukraine is the same one which just a few months ago was busily declaring that the protesters who gathered daily on the so-called Maidan were all terrorists.  That same Upper Rada switched sides just as soon as Yanukovich fled ignominiously, and that raises questions about whether it would not be ready to switch right back if Russia were to take the upper hand.

The other school of thought in this says that Putin so much doesn’t care about world opinion that he will invade Eastern Ukraine, and let the chips fall where they may.  Certainly it is true that the invasion and annexation of Crimea was a massive violation of the 1994 agreement which Russia itself signed together with Ukraine, the United States and the United Kingdom, guaranteeing Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial inviolability.  This clearly demonstrates the fact that the Kremlin cares nothing about treaty obligations, and this means that a new world order is being established in this part of our planet.

As far as Latvia is concerned, there is, of course, the crucial fact that unlike Ukraine, Latvia is a member state of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.  In response to events in Crimea, NATO has already increased the number of military planes which patrol Baltic airspace, and there has been much talk about how to expand the alliance’s presence in the Baltic States.  US Senator John McCain was in Latvia this week, and he said that America is not planning to actually establish military bases here, but it does seem that the presence is going to be boosted in some manner nonetheless.  Of course, given that Latvia is in NATO, it can be said that Latvian military bases are NATO bases anyway.  The issue is the logistical and other support which the alliance can provide in times of trouble, and there is no doubt that it is entirely prepared to do so.  On multiple occasions senior American and other officials have said that they take Article 5 of the Washington Treaty – the one that says that an attack against one member state is an attack against all member states, and so all member states will do what they can to defend the victim of aggression – very seriously, indeed.  Ignoring a 1994 agreement among individual states is one thing.  Rattling sabers in the direction of the world’s most powerful military alliance is something else entirely, and there is no particular reason to believe that Vladimir Putin’s beady little eyes are focused in our direction, at least not in a purely military sense.

That, however, does not mean that Moscow has no other opportunities for mischief, and there are two major issues here.  The first relates to Western sanctions against Russia.  For the time being, these only involve visa bans for a number of Russian and Ukrainian officials, and this has been received as something of a ha-ha moment on both sides.  Senator McCain, while in Latvia, joked that he was disappointed that Russia had implemented a visa ban against him, because he had been planning to spend his summer holidays in Siberia.  If, however, Russia takes another step against Ukraine’s sovereignty, substantial economic sanctions would certainly be on the agenda.  For Latvia, that could mean big, big trouble.

The most glaring issue, to be sure, is the fact that Latvia is 100% dependent on Russia’s Gazprom company for natural gas.  Were the gas pipeline to be shut off, Latvia could survive for a while because of its gas storage facility at Inčukalns, but the establishment of alternative delivery routes would be a matter of years, not days.  (Although it also must be noted, of course, that shutting off the gas would equally hurt Russia, which very much depends on energy resource revenues to prop up its national budget.)  There is also the fact that 70% of transit cargo passing through Latvia comes from Russia.  Again, finding alternative deliveries would not be a quick process.  There are also industries in Latvia which continue to be highly dependent on the Russian market.  The canned fish industry in particular has been unable to convince anyone in Western Europe or elsewhere that Latvian sprats are one dandy food.  One company has already filed for bankruptcy even in the absence of economic sanctions, simply because of the fairly vast devaluation of the Russian ruble during these times of upheaval.  Of course, smart business people shifted their focus from Russia to other markets long ago.  Those who didn’t may find that the time is coming when the piper will call the tune.

Of course, Latvia is not the only country which has doubts about economic sanctions.  The UK, for example, has said that there should not be sanctions against the Russian billionaires who own lots of property in London in particular and who, therefore, make up a sizeable portion of the local and national economy.  But if Russia does decide to invade parts of Ukraine, it is likely that Latvia, the UK and all other Western countries will have to swallow the bitter pill, and to a certain extent it can be said that in the long run, this would be good for Latvia in that it would finally force the entire business world to realize that no matter what kind of money can be made in Russia, the fact is that our neighboring country is in all ways unpredictable and questionable.  Even before the events in Crimea there were many occasions in which Russia suddenly declared that Latvian sprats (and Lithuanian dairy products; and Ukrainian pork products; and Dutch flowers (if you can believe it)) were suddenly unacceptable in Russia for sanitary and hygienic reasons, and so imports thereof would be banned.  It is hard to imagine any case in which a business would decide that this is all fine and good.  Yes, extensive economic sanctions would hurt in Latvia, but, again, in the long run that might be a positive thing.

The other issue has to do with Russia’s immense propaganda maw.  The occupation of Crimea was preceded by a torrent of mendacious propaganda on Russian television about how “fascists” had taken over the government in Ukraine, and so Russia had every reason to go and “protect” its “compatriots” in Crimea.  Readers of Latvians Online will know that a few weeks ago the Latvian National Electronic Mass Media Council banned the rebroadcasting of the Rossiya RTR channel for three months specifically because of content which, according to the council, fomented hatred, discord or conflict.  The ban has been more than conditional, because the satellite company Viasat announced right away that it didn’t feel that the ban was applicable to it.  Latvia’s leading cable content provider, Lattelecom, did remove the program from its repertoire, but smaller cable companies either didn’t or instead replaced Rossiya RTR with an equally mendacious propaganda channel.

The extent to which this propaganda has had an effect on Latvia’s “Russian speakers” can be seen in the fact that a survey last week found that a substantial proportion of them supported Russia’s annexation of Crimea, thus evidently believing the claim that Moscow was trying to protect people against “fascists.”  That does not, however, suggest that anything of the type that has been happening in Ukraine is likely here.  Yes, there are a few radical activists who believe that the Soviet Union should never have collapsed and that if the Kremlin is trying to reestablish what some have called “the USSR 2.0”, then Latvia should certainly be part of it.  They are not, however, anywhere near the majority.  Evidence of this was given in the referendum a few years back on whether the Russian language should be given the status of a state language.  Despite vocal support from people such as Riga mayor Nils Ušakovs, the referendum crashed and burned.  There is no way in which a majority of Latvia’s residents would vote in favor of allowing Russia to mess around with the country’s “Russian speakers” even if some “Russian speakers” were to call for its “protection.”

Here again it must be remembered that Latvia is in NATO, and it is hard to imagine Russia sending its “little green men,” as the masked and supposedly anonymous men in Eastern Ukraine have been described, into our country.  Neither is it by any means likely that even a majority of the Russian speakers in Latvia really would want the country to join the vastly impoverished and corrupt autocracy that lies to our East.

Russian propaganda says that territories which join the “motherland” will see increased old age pensions and the like, but in Crimea’s case, this promise has already been superseded by the admission that well, the national budget right now is what it is, and so those who were expecting higher pensions will just have to wait until next year’s budget, or maybe the one after that.  Latvia’s non-citizens already enjoy privileges of which Russia’s own residents can only dream, including free travel in the EU’s Schengen Zone.  A member of Latvia’s Saeima said in an interview recently that 98% of Latvia’s non-Latvians would oppose any attempt to merge with Russia.  That may be overstating it, but the fact is that Latvia is not Crimea.  Even Daugavpils is not Crimea.

The bottom line here is that Russia is evidently prepared to do its worst when it comes to relations with nations that used to be part of the USSR.  It is likely that the Kremlin is banking on the fact that eventually the West will just accept the annexation of Crimea, just as it accepted the establishment of the “independent nations” of Transnistria and South Ossetia in Georgia.  Time will show what Moscow decides to do in relation to the rest of Ukraine, but Latvia does not need to be afraid.  Yes, there have been those in our country who have been impatient with the hesitant approach of the government in terms of denouncing Russia for its hooliganism in Ukraine (and it is parenthetically worth noting here that protests have already been arising once again in Kyiv, this time involving people who want their government to attack the rebels in Eastern Ukraine with much greater vigor), but this is surely a case in which slow and steady will win the race.  If economic sanctions come to pass, Latvia will have to grit its teeth and bear it.  But the idea that Vladimir Putin would dare to challenge the world’s most powerful military alliance simply beggars belief.  NATO’s protection, thus, is something that we can very much rely upon.

Kārlis Streips was born in Chicago, studied journalism at the University of North Illinois and University of Maryland. He moved to Latvia in 1991 where he has worked as a TV and radio journalist. He also works as a translator and lecturer at the University of Latvia.