‘Inclusion’ and ‘exclusion’: Approaching irrelevance

“The girl who can’t dance says the band can’t play,” says a Yiddish proverb. Few accounts sum up the lack of focus prevalent in Canadian-Latvian circles today any better than Viesturs Zariņš’ description of the contradictions that lead to “politics of inclusion and exclusion” in Toronto Latvian schools (see “The politics of inclusion and exclusion,” published Jan. 19, 2003).

Based on those observations (and anecdotal evidence), he offers two options for the future: 1) “continue along the current path and see the continual decline and erosion of the community and its resources”; 2) “redefine the community, its values and modus operandi and reach out in a way that maximizes those who feel good about their Latvian connection.”

But other readings of the situation indicate that we are playing out the emigrˇ end-game along a variety of diverging lines. The community is already redefining itself as segments of it choose different destinations.

Agreed: We avoid confronting the existential concerns Zariņš raises and lapse into denial when facing the true dimensions of our dilemma. We churn along (no small achievement), doing what we can and are accustomed to doing. No new “vision” (if one is still essential) has captured popular support. We have activities and budgets, but no real plan for the future. “Must-do” vs. “feel-good” priorities have not been sorted out while resources shrink. Attitudes rub each other the wrong way: “business as usual” (now delivering more form than substance) and “criticism = betrayal” (to distinguish “patriots” from “enemies”), for example, have no patience with “call me if it’s important” (special invitations) and “why can’t I?” (incomprehension that a community worthy of noting as “Latvian” still has entry requirements). This tends to limit rational engagement with issues. If, indeed, engagement is what people want. Maybe, as Zariņš puts it, many will be satisfied with less demanding duty-free “connections” that can be switched on and off selectively. A buffet menu catering to all tastes and appetites in this era of “entitlement” can be appealing.

If memory serves, our community almost had a serious discussion about future prospects 20-30 years ago, when the kind of “modular” and “multi-tier” membership Zariņš advocates was first proposed. Change was in the air. Well-educated new generations of Latvian-Canadians challenged “established thinking”—which too often drew on a painful past to impose old formulas. Those wore thin after many ritual repetitions. And, for better or worse, folks began to question their purpose. There had to be “something more.” More “modern” and timely, perhaps.

A strong counter-strain of “purism” surfaced then as well. It held that those who work to maintain a recognizable Latvian identity (traditions, language abilities) in family circles and organizations have no obligation to engage in (and little to gain from) missionary work among those who don”t bother. Even in those days, “there is only so much we can do” (therefore, let us do the important things) became a primary factor in making decisions. This “direction” was all about distinctive survival. Not a “blend-du-jour” come-and-go social club.

That view is still with us—at summer camps, for example, where knowledge of conversational Latvian remains a non-negotiable requirement. For parents who had counted on two weeks of “immersion” as remedial magic that would correct years of linguistic neglect at home, non-acceptance of their children was a tragic surprise. Which part of “unqualified” (resulting in “excluded”) did they not understand? They have no one to blame for disappointment and anger but themselves. The standards a family “lives to” (which later on open opportunities, or set roadblocks for offspring) are not trivial investments. As the fitness motto reminds us: no pain, no gain.

To be clear: some folks practice what they preach, and they should be saluted for the courage of their convictions. (This group includes mixed-marriage couples: a tip of the chapeau to them.) If these convictions carry over into social activities, fine. No one else is forced to participate. If others, meantime, seek broader solutions (“this project-in-progress involves all of us”), they are free to organize along lines of least resistance. But not everyone in the community believes that “inclusion,” by itself, has real value. My sense of Zariņš’ second option is that it tries to make those who have held their ground do the re-adjusting in order to accomodate the less-committed. He does not explain what this will accomplish.

Still others borrow bits and pieces of “Latvianism” to fashion political and social billy-clubs. You know who you are. The practice of narrow “correctness” was often bizarre. For example, when someone “in charge” ordered removal of Rainis’ portrait from the Gaŗezers summer high school because our national poet had long ago been a social democrat. (The irony of his famous line—“He who transforms himself will survive”—was lost in the heat of that “patriotic” moment.) Jockeying for “position” turned ugly during the period of “cultural relations” (with the-then sovietized Latvian rˇgime and its selected emissaries). Unable and unwilling to sort out wheat (cultural content, its genuine carriers) from chaff (propaganda, “guardians” along for the ride), portraying any challenge to authority as a threat to (unspecified) “unity”, playing on fear (when we had nothing to fear), some in leadership positions put out wild accusations (“collaboration!”) about those making contact instead of smartly “working the room” for our own purposes. They played right into the hands of forces seeking to divide us. All independent thought (the goal of higher education), though occasionally naive, was painted as “dangerous.” The artificial “crisis” that followed preempted saner attempts to build a diverse membership base, and to acquaint new generations with the main flow of our living heritage (with all its deformations). It is this flow (trying to straighten out, to rejoin the European mainstream) that survives today.

It should be sadly obvious that we lacked trust in each other. The “decline” Zariņš wants to arrest started during those turbulent times. Instead of reaffirming core values and mobilizing every available resource to build all kinds of “machinery” that would have served us well for the long run, we produced division, “the clash of generations” and casualties. (The “wounded” still don”t communicate.) We can take none of this back. The choices we had yesterday are long gone.

Leaving aside tactical points Zariņš makes (some valid, some not), both his options look like variations of the same thing: “decline by erosion” and “decline by dilution.” This is an artificial category in any case. Why? Because our “current path” split into several routes and byways after Latvia reclaimed independence in 1991. Because segments of the target audience are heading (or have already gone) in different directions. But mainly because there can be no compelling “need to change” without strategic purpose—without some new goal we can agree on.

Step back a moment, and consider. Whenever their faraway homeland regains its sovereignty, refugees and exiles face a fundamental decision: to return or not. The longer this decison must be put off—as occupation by a foreign power lingers, or a democratic rˇgime cannot take root—the more complications will attach to it. In such circumstances, the same scenario has been played out many times, by many groups. Latvians are no exception.

As time goes by, exiles become expatriates. Refugees behave like immigrants. They gradually establish normal lifestyles and careers in a new land, their intent to stay confirmed by new citizenship. They must learn local languages. The “mother tongue” suffers in the process, badly so if both parents work and bring the values of a “get ahead” milieu home with them. Daily immersion in a new culture (especially of the young) pushes “the traditional” to secondary, part-time margins. If integration is easy and the group is small, it does not form a cohesive, supportive “ghetto” (in a “melting pot” or “cultural mosaic”—it makes no difference). Ties with “back home” have been broken. Attempts to re-build them are constrained and poisoned by emigrˇ “politics,” rarely an objective exercise. An emotional, nostalgic sense of loss settles into the currents of community life.

Then distances become a burden. Children scatter and marry “locals”. Assimilation takes its deadly toll. Maintaining organizations based on “original” (sometimes overly rigid) ideals and models grows more difficult and controversial as leaders age and “reliable” publics dissipate. Publications decline as “the old” write about what they know (their youth, fate, concerns, activities, social life) for a shrinking audience. Meanwhile “the young,” if they still can, do not read (there is little for them to read) and, if they care to, can no longer write well. “The living record” (news, literature, song) starts to repeat itself, to run dry, and has no future other than as a memorial to “who we were.” Expatriate publishers close up shop. New generations (for better, or worse) try to think for themselves, they no longer demonstrate the same burning (and unquestioning) “commitment to the cause” as those who suffered through injustice firsthand can muster on any (sometimes the wrong) occasion—the basis for unproductive, alienating internal conflicts. These transformations churn up fertile ground for “sowing blame.” This game can have no winners, only losers and, perhaps, some agile survivors.

Like it or not, circumstances and people change, the community changes, nothing can ever be the same. As Thomas Wolfe said, “You can’t go home again.”

Or can you? Basic questions have a nasty habit of returning to test us. The main goal many worked for has been achieved: Latvia shook off Russian occupation more than 10 years ago. What next? (And “for what new purpose?”) “Overseas Latvians” (as citizens of the re-launched republic call us) still struggle to find sensible responses. These questions are both personal (what should we do now as individuals and families?) and communal (what should our organizations do?). But some have already “voted” with their exit visas, talent, money, imagination and commitment in favour of prospects that are far from guaranteed.

Let us salute the minority (“activists,” entrepreneurs, academics, artists, those reclaiming property stolen by the Soviet rˇgime) that has returned to take up life in “the mother country” in spite of less than welcoming policies and attitudes. One such “repatriante” has become a popular, effective president. (“Leaders” who made a habit of lecturing her about “political correctness” here must have been grinding their teeth.) These “homesteaders” have kept the promise all of us made at one time or another, or wanted to make—if we considered ourselves to be Latvians first and foremost. (Those inconvenient “standards,” again.) It should be clear that the two options Zariņš presents are of no pressing concern to “returnees” (or immediate candidates for the journey, or “sympathizers”) because they have rejoined a much larger and more vibrant community that now must solve its own (and far more serious) problems of “redefinition.” He speaks, then, to “those who remain.” If Latvian embassy figures indicating that only 15 percent of those eligible to reestablish citizenship have done so are accurate, that’s a large majority.

But here, too, we should be precise. “Business as usual,” for example, one cause of the “decline” Zariņš posits, is typically associated with older generations—yet it is they who have been most active in reclaiming Latvian passports and property. They support Latvian political parties. They vote regularly in Saiema elections. (“Coulda shoulda” venting by non-citizens is an irrelevant waste of time and newspaper column inches.) Of course, not everyone “re-activates” (many continue to curse fate, while dwelling on “happier times”), but those who do set an example: this is not “preserving” the past but, rather, taking it out of mothballs, reviving it and moving forward. “Decline” may be inevitable, but any description of it should include this current of natural re-connection. Practical choices tend to sort out “talkers” from “doers” very quickly. Maybe it’s how you “decline” that really counts: how you act, not who you are, or which generation you belong to.

Large numbers have declined their Latvian heritage entirely. Many simply drifted away, captured by careers, friends and a variety of “outside” interests. (“I can”t sing, dance, or play volleyball, so…”) Others left in anger over an incident that was never important. “Smart people” could not wait to shed their “immigrant” status fast enough. They “localized” (or allowed mispronunciation of) their given and family names. Children were ashamed of their parents’ “accent,” parents withdrew and could not convey the value of maintaining traditions. Assimilation is easy. All you need to do is slide. Some “lost souls” re-surfaced during the run-up to independence (to sample what they had discarded, or just to join in our rousing “show of hands”), but have dropped off the community radar screen again. A few journey to Latvia—as tourists who can”t “speak native” and complain about service. (So much for this “holiday destination.”) Some still give mixed-marriage grandchildren Latvian (second) names for old times” sake. You can see ethnic candle-holders in their homes as reminders of who they once were, but that flame flickered out long ago.

With few exceptions, these people don’t join our organizations, don’t subscribe to Latvian publications, don”t attempt to guide children toward our schools, camps and activities, have no idea of what is going on in our community, in what is now the Latvian diaspora, or in Latvia itself. They are “ethnic illiterates.” (Some “prominent people” fit nicely into this category. Why, then, should we “celebrate” their local achievements? Are they role models?) Along the way, command of the language dissipates in proportion to lack of involvement. (Should the demands of careers and “the spousal peace teaty” be so devastating?) Speaking Latvian (well) at home may be difficult, but we have actually heard (convenient) rationalizations to the effect that just trying to do so “impedes progress” in local schools. (Toronto and U.S. apologists, or “minimalists,” should talk to Quebec Latvian-Canadian parents who juggle three household languages.) When heritage (always a living body of knowledge one must relate to personally, exercise and love, or it can never be significant) assumes the status of a “distraction” (from what? never mind…), or a “hobby”, or a “souvenir”… we’re done. The foundation of our distinctiveness, particularly language, cannot be set aside. Identity does not accept substitute building-blocks.

Yes, there may be valid reasons for “difficulties” (living away from tangible “Latvian centres” without “lifelines”—before the Internet came along). Yes, we should reach out to embrace those whose interest in things Latvian has been rekindled (especially the young, who face great peer pressure). There are always “special situations.” Zariņš, however, is not really speaking to this group-adrift, he is speaking to us—“of them.” His intent is commendable. But what, exactly, is the offer he wants us to make? “We’ll find something for you”? “Whatever, come on in”? Is he suggesting that no conditions need apply? That there is no community agenda? Of course there is. Gaining NATO membership for Latvia, for example, is hardly “a sexy cause,” but it is essential. All those willing to work toward that goal are more than welcome. But in general terms, frankly, I cannot see how it is possible (or desirable) to “maximize” people who won”t, or can’t make some kind of effort. “Connection” has to start with them looking for places, people and events to connect to. A swinging door calls for traffic control: do we need them (for what?), do they need us (for what?)? Is it a two-way proposition (In aid of something common? What could that be?)? A show of hands, please—on both sides.

That leaves those still “in between,” still “alive.” Even here, divisions prevail.

There is a core of “activists.” In smaller communities, the same people fill different positions in school, church and cultural organizations; they can hold one meeting for all, just by shuffling the chairs as they go along. Then there are “members”—they pay dues and come to events. Just outside this group is another, the “known,” who are not members, but can be reached and do show up from time to time. All of the above maintain contact with “Latvian news” by one means, or another. They also maintain not just the “form” of our organizations, but also their “physicality,” or infrastructure—church and social buildings, camps, publications, and so on. They can be drafted to help with “care packages” for the needy in Latvia. They will be middle-aged and older “veterans,” rather than the inert (and party-time) young, or busy “yuppies.” Taken together, this is probably the community whose ways and means Zariņš wants to improve by bringing in “new blood”. In search of… what?

But we should recognize a new subcategory: “travellers.” These are people who spend a good deal of time raising funds for projects in Latvia, then managing them there. Or setting up businesses in “the old country.” Organizing academic, religious and cultural initiatives, exchanges, forums. Helping relatives. Reclaiming property. Lobbying to-and-fro on behalf of Latvian and Baltic causes. Returning as on-call “experts” to help enterprises and government departments—funded and blessed by countries they come from, like Canada and the United States. The focus of their “maximizing” activities lies in Latvia. They will do “missionary work” (in areas of market and judicial reform, language and business training, environmental clean-up, agriculture, economic growth, military reorientation) there, not here. They have no need for “redefinition.” They define themselves through what they do—and feel good about doing it. (“Being useful” also sweeps along “the other halves” of mixed-marriage couples, who can finally see firsthand “what all the talk was about.”) To the extent that these people are busy “there,” they will be less inclined to worry about the need for a new “vision” here. You can pretty much subtract them—and organizations whose priorities they influence—from Zariņš’ target audience, except when it comes to resource allocation. More about that shortly.

Then we have a new group, a wave of (mostly economic) migrants from independent Latvia. Unlike those expelled during the Soviet rˇgime because of political and religious activism, these people profess personal reasons for leaving—better educational, business, career and similar opportunities. Leaving aside some who “married visitors to the old country,” or established “new lives” while visiting or studying here (thus had contacts with the expatriate community from the start), most don’t bother “buying into” a pale, part-time imitation of the milieu they have chosen to abandon. What was not important (and natural) “there” is even less so “here”—apart from job offers. So, again, Zariņš speaks of this group as potential community candidates, but runs into the old problem : why should expatriates who struggled through 46 years to maintain Latvianism “reach out” to those who renounce it now? Fast-track assimilation is as unattractive as the gradual kind.

In an ideal world, we’d all be holding hands and singing familiar songs without having to look up the words. We’d all be “participating” in some way, because it is the right thing to do—and each of us would have a valuable, appreciated role to play. (We’d also make an effort to find that role, to volunteer.) We’d be taking care of our Latvian roots out of simple respect for the generation that sacrificed everything to bring us safely to a new country. We’d be maintaining a distinctive presence here, especially through schools and cultural activities, while helping Latvia all we can. But it is not an ideal world and, at the end of the day, we have to deal with it as it is—not as it should be. Reality: our community has fewer people working for it, less to work with and limited staying power. We are weaker than we have ever been, paradoxically, because Latvia grows stronger.

This is obvious from allocation of resources. After almost a decade in Latvia, the Rev. Varsbergs of Chicago estimates that expatriate churches alone have transferred millions of dollars in aid to “sister congregations” there. One hundred percent of annual Latvian Foundation grants now go to “homeland” projects. Daugavas Vanagi support active investments and have affiliates in Latvia. Umbrella organizations—the Latvian National Association in Canada (LNAK) and the American Latvian Association (ALA)—regularly vote large chunks of money toward “back home” initiatives. The World Federation of Free Latvians (PBLA) steers almost all of its budget “in that direction.” (The Occupation Museum and restoration of the Freedom Monument are notable current projects.) The total value of personal grants, sponsorships, scholarships, charitable donations and “care packages” over the last 10 years has yet to be calculated. The point: all these efforts and resources, until recently, went to maintaining our communities here. Suddenly, that era is finished. This is more than “disproportional” (as Zariņš put it), more than “decline.” It amounts to accelerating self-demolition. How long before we are “running on empty” (losing the past, not knowing what lies ahead), as the song says?

A liberated “homeland” always threatens coherent expatriate life. “The air” (strong purpose) whooshes out of community activities, leaving “housekeeping” to-dos on the agenda. Without plans (that may provide for orderly retreat to “ethnic-in-country-of-refuge” positions), instincts say “help the homeland rebuild.” We have, and will continue to do so. This, clearly, is the new “cause.” (Some organizations now measure “relevance” by their contributions to it, and have little else to report but faraway achievements… and problems.) Strip-mining people and resources, our diaspora has almost transformed itself into an aid agency with little regard for its own ability “to continue”. (A vicious circle. Those responsible at the Latvian Foundation, for example, say “we have no applications for diaspora projects.” Is there nothing left to do here? No one left to do it? No interest? Just money. Our money. And it “walks” to “where the action is.” To those making demands. Or to “realize” our own desires “over there.” The more that happens, the less “action” we can expect to find here. And fewer resources to support it. Around it goes.)

There is no plot. We are taking these steps freely. No one is tricking us, or forcing the issue. Our own “good will” is doing the damage. Latvian Foundation members, after all, vote on projects worth funding. The leaderships of LNAK, ALA and PBLA make decisions based on lists of proposals submitted by stakeholders. Some individuals and single-track organizations concern themselves with “aid” only. But the sum (or outcome) is that we help ourselves less. Much less. Fine—if this is what we really want, and understand how the financial “death of a thousand cuts” and “decline” go hand-in-hand. Almost refreshing is the fact that we have little left to fight over, except those depleted budgets (and remaining “reserves”). In this regard, Zariņš is entirely right: if we had a respectable survival plan, priority funding would go to culture and education (which still offer young people the opportunity to “re-connect” with their heritage and homeland), rather than “legacies” (monuments, buildings, memoirs, hot-house publications like Latvija Amerikā). Our children are our one true legacy; nothing else comes close.

Even then, decisions are not simple. What portion of resources should go toward maintaining infrastructure, places like the Latvian Canadian Cultural Centre in Toronto and Gaŗezers in Michigan, “homes of our own” where, as a fundraiser put it, we can “gather, learn and party hearty”? (We have already lost Minstere in Germany, Abrene in France and the Kalamazoo Study Center in Michigan with its wonderful library.) How long can aging church congregations carry on? (Some have already merged, or collapsed.) Where will resources come from in five years? Younger generations tend to forget that nothing is free. Someone actually built and paid for places they take for granted. Seems to me that one “redefinition” urgently needed across the board is a spreadsheet “when do we run out?” projection for “propertied” and “reserve-funded” organizations. (It should not count on any “redefined” community, just “the usual contributors.”) Maybe the results will show that “all possible resources to Latvia” is not a consequence-free concept.

And, please, let us not use “corruption” as a red herring. Yes, it is endemic in Latvia (some insist it’s “a mentality inherited from the Russian occupation”) and, yes, with all that needs to be done, the country cannot afford waste of any kind. But, compared to scandals like Enron and, in Canada, Liberal Party patronage contracts, the amounts in play are small change. Right, corruption should not be tolerated. But put aside posturing about our “moral superiority.” We must simply manage aid more carefully and choose partners we can trust.

Segments of the community are heading in different directions. Some have disappeared altogether, and will not return. A steady flow of people and resources goes to Latvia. Elements of cultural focus have shifted also: nowadays as many 3X3 family camps take place there as here; Laiks is edited in Rīga; the “seat” of several professional associations—for Latvian engineers, doctors—has been “repatriated.” Fraternities and sororities are taking similar steps. Our Evangelical Lutheran church “rules” and issues its yearbook from “headquarters.” The transfer of documents, libraries and entire archives is almost complete. Expatriate authors hurry to publish one last volume “there,” so they can be remembered. “The writing is on the wall”—if we care to read it.

As all this hollowing-out goes on, the diaspora devolves into a Potemkin village, a facade of the bustling, energetic community it once was, with no other apparent purpose than keeping up appearances, “helping things happen” and entertaining visitors. A “holding operation.” Here and there one hears “cries in the wilderness”: “How can this be?” and “What about us?”

Yes, what about us? Good question. That “us,” of course, is Zariņš” community-in-need-of-redefining. The “visible” remainder. Those of us who stay here, or are based here, and are still “alive” in some kind of recognizable shape. Instead of allowing the free flow of events, perhaps we should make some determinations and plans. This will take courage and logic—both in short supply.

The first thing to do is (re)admit that ours is not and has never been a traditional community. Leaving aside the gross aberrations of “central planning.” history shows, again and again, that communities, unlike city suburbs, cannot be “designed” at will. They spring up along trade routes, around centres of religion, learning, government and commerce. Around natural resources, factories, seaports and railheads. As extensions of military bases and “centres of competence” (printing and weaving in the Middle Ages). An expatriate community is none of these. It is “a community of purpose,” and meant to be temporary. It gathers and holds (often widely-scattered) people, those who care, around a common goal. It will build “physical symbols” and meeting places (churches, community centres, schools), but only to serve that goal. Read those old “dedication speeches:” they all said that one same thing.

We reached our main goal 12 years ago. Like it or not, we are now players in the expatriate end-game. So the second point is: accept the fact that we must deal with “closure” (in various forms), that “things will be different” from now on—and get on with organizing “the how of it”. Dispassionately, without recriminations.

Therefore, third, let us advance the notion (we can say it out loud, despite hectoring from know-it-alls “back home”) that “not everyone will return” and recognize, at the same time, that “survival” (here) means different things to different groups. This means—fourth—that identifying and coming to terms with new purposes is essential.

Chief among those is “helping Latvia”, our de facto new cause. But it is not the only one. Zariņš believes that “reaching out” (redefinition, reform) is worth another shot—we see this with English-language church services, for example. A “hard core” holds a “let it be” position (a.k.a. “don”t bother us” or “same old, same old”). An emerging group of middle-aged “purists” insists that a key goal of the community here still must be “prepping” (of themselves, their children) for an eventual return to the homeland. They emphasize cultural and educational initiatives. (But these, like lobbying for NATO and European Union membership, have a natural expiry date.) There are “politicians” who dream of reshaping independent Latvia along (to them) “desirable” lines. There is a group of “traders” and businessmen who go back and forth in search of opportunity. We also have “big-bang” proponents. They say: stop fooling around, gather up all resources, divide them into separate pots—one goes to two or three high-impact projects in Latvia, the other to one hell of a “diaspora closing party” here. After that, everyone is on their own. Then there is “residualism”: it proposes that, as expatriate life subsides into isolated backwaters, most important will be connections among them, and to the homeland—so we should provide for establishing “an Internet community” of Latvians. (Some pieces of it are already operating.) Another (more traditional) version of the same “line” argues that, as long as there are “poles of attraction” (our social centres), there will be an expatriate community. Nothing can counterbalance “the pull” of a revitalized Latvia, but there is no reason to plow under everything we have built here. And, of course, there are variations, combinations, permutations. One “purpose” I don”t want to hear from again was advanced by a featured speaker at my son’s Gaŗezers graduation ceremony: “Who knows? You could grow up to be the first Latvian-American president… of the United States.”

Fifth, then: all competing purposes (or “visions”) have some claim on remaining resources. No single group (if it controls an organization with funds) should be allowed to advance its interests at the expense (or exclusion) of others. Why not? Because expatriate organizations no longer have the same mandates they had 20 or 30 years ago, and have not established clear new ones as of 1991. So, sixth, we need to debate purposes again and only then decide how money should be spent. It is too late for the same old cycle of elections, committees, projects and what could be characterized as “rule by mystery” when it comes to priorities. It is time for direct representation, perhaps a diaspora referendum. (Maybe then all those on the “inactive” list will show up, sign on, pay their dues and cast a ballot. At least they will have been asked—one last time.)

Many countries “go to the people” when amending constitutions, which, in our own small province, is what we must do. (This might even be an object lesson for Latvian lawmakers.) Therefore, seventh, let all remaining “communities of interest” declare themselves and make their claims in the manner of the French “Estates-General,” whose aim was to replace “the former (autocratic) rˇgime” with consensus, after “all parties” had had their say. Sure to be messy, “the republican model” is, nevertheless, more representative than others. (Even if “idealists” vote with their hearts, while “practical people” vote with their heads.)

“Business as usual,” over the last 12 years, has failed to refocus the expatriate community. (Who are we now? “Recreational Latvians”? “Song-fest Latvians”? “Latvians by extraction”? Aid workers? Palliative-care patients? Travellers?) We seem to have forgotten the maxim good discipline teaches: goals first, tactics and resources second. Followed, again, by a realistic evaluation of goals. Eighth, then, should be an underlying conclusion that we need to make changes (if only as a response to changes that have already taken place). The experts call it “transition planning.” Drifting piecemeal along the “current path,” as Zariņš puts it, leads to more than “decline.” It gradually narrows choices as resources are used up. Eventually, we will have none of either.

Gentlemen, start your engines! “Circle the wagons,” if you wish. “Reach out,” if you feel the call. Stand in splendid isolation on ethnically-pure hilltops with your ideals and hopes, like a beacon. “Help” until there is nothing left to give. Complain bitterly, because you have lost all you care about. Fire up those stress-free diaspora barbecues. Migrate the community to the Internet. Try to influence the course of politics in the old country. Help it in practical ways. Only don’t do any of this as though you have a monopoly on truth and consequences, as though everyone else is “wrong.” As though we are incapable of making cold-blooded calculations. As though we can”t talk to each other. “Maximizing” should mean maximizing opportunities—all of them.

In the final analysis, “feeling good” is not a purpose, it is a result of doing good. In the doing, keep in mind the overarching law of the Iroquois Confederacy: in every decision we make, let us consider the effects on the next seven generations.

Out here, we don’t have that many left.

(Editor’s note: An earlier version of this article, also in response to an opinion piece by Viesturs Zariņš, appeared in 2002 in the Montreal Latvian Society’s newsletter, Ziņotājs.

NATO invitation presents new obligations

“We cannot render benefits to those from whom we receive them, or only seldom,” wrote Ralph Waldo Emerson in his 1836 Journals. “But the benefits we receive must be rendered again line for line, deed for deed, to somebody.” Morally overdue and historically important—they offer the Baltic nations solid guarantees of independence for the first time—the membership invitations extended to Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania during November’s NATO summit in Prague conclude the “preliminaries.” These three small countries worked hard to clear the first hurdle (to present credible “technical” candidacies), but they still have obstacles to overcome before they can be accepted as full members of the defense alliance in 2004. There will be no shortage of opportunities to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory during a tricky two-year test of endurance.

First, even if invitees meet all entry requirements, membership is not a done deal. Why? Because some NATO countries (notably, the United States) have entrenched procedures that call for a vote (for example, in the U.S. Senate) to approve (or in egocentric U.S. terms, “ratify”) new treaty partners. This leaves other nations and multilateral organizations dependent on the vagaries of domestic U.S. politics—already a sore point with Europeans on several touchy issues. Nevertheless, such votes must be won at some point. Now is not the time to curtail public relations, lobbying and diplomatic efforts. They should, rather, concentrate on supporting a final push.

Second, the U.S. military is not entirely “comfortable.” Just before the Prague summit, Pentagon sources leaked concerns about poor records some candidate countries have in handling security, corruption, border control and other problems. Even though Indulis Bērziņš, the Latvian minister of foreign affairs at the time, countered that such concerns had not been presented to him directly, they are easy to raise (so long as readiness is incomplete according to NATO standards) and difficult to put down. They can still sway public opinion and distract undecided U.S. politicians—especially if the “war on terror” drags on and expands into Iraq. Therefore the Latvian political and military leadership has a multifaceted task ahead: to correct obvious deficiencies, to be open in asking for help in this work, and to make sure that no serious “What about that?” questions lie in ambush when the final reckoning comes around in 2004.

Third, great care should be exercised to avoid involvement in U.S.-European disputes, such as the U.S.-German spat over attacking Iraq. The Baltics need all the help they can get, but the price for it should not have be choosing sides between positions major NATO partners take on other issues. Given the aggressive posture of the Bush regime, one never knows how delicate a balancing act this may be.

Fourth, we can expect our “friends to the east” to manufacture problems, if not incidents, designed to cast last-minute doubts on the validity of our intentions and, ultimately, to extract concessions such as no new forward NATO bases or troops on Baltic soil, pre-approval of “threatening” security measures nearby, and so on. (Whenever it claims that its so-called “historical interests” are affected, Russia is entitled to Partnership for Peace consultations with NATO. Despite perpetual internal chaos, Russia’s imperial ambitions have not evaporated.) Therefore, in the face of tactics aimed at constrainment, our position should remain steadfast: what the Baltics decide to do, and what NATO asks them to do, is none of Russia’s business. We did not accept invitations to join NATO on a second-class basis. There is no such membership category. The Baltics reject any hint that they should (again) be a “special case” with conditions to be defined through sleazy big-power bargaining. One cynical sell-out (the Communist-Nazi Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact) was enough. Another (if the Malta Bush-Gorbachev “stability ententes” had not been overtaken by events beyond control) could have been fatal.

But one already hears talk of “reasonable last-minute adjustments” permeating discussion of NATO developments among “useful idiots” in western academic, policy and “chattering class” circles who feed on a steady diet of debating points served up by the same vicious agency Mr. Vladimir Putin used as a springboard to statesmanship. It is not coincidence that Canada recently expelled “diplomats” ordered to step up espionage by this partner in peace. It is also not coincidence that Mr. Putin has restored the red star symbol to his army, the Soviet hymn to official occasions, and the statue of Feliks Dzershinsky, founder of the Cheka (later the KGB), in Lubyanka Square. Together with muzzling of the media, these steps signal regression into strong man rule. Then, as though the rest of us have no memory, Mr. Putin talks about “respecting Soviet achievements.” Those include the horrors of the Gulag, for which no one has been held accountable. Can he not at least find the moral backbone to set the historical record straight for his own people? No. He will protect his KGB comrades, above all. This “partner” has not renounced a dangerous agenda. One media moment, in which President George Bush “looked into his soul” and “found a good man,” does not reassure us. Mr. Putin must have been smirking all the way back to the Kremlin.

Should we stand by and wring our hands? No. We must defend our interests. It would not hurt our cause to prepare and hold ready—to be launched at the slightest provocation—a widespread PR campaign that illustrates the terrible damage Soviet occupation inflicted on the Baltic region and explains in blunt terms our own “never again” bottom line for joining NATO. (Is anybody working on this?) Tailored to jolt resident non-citizens still seeking special privileges, this campaign would be useful (it is long past due) inside the Baltics as well. “Undesirable elements” there need a wake-up call. Within two years they will have to stop whining and make life choices without guidance from Moscow: they will be inside NATO, and NATO is not fond of disinformation and disloyalty. As the U.S. motto puts it: Love it or leave it.

These initiatives—to counter propaganda, to eliminate doubt, to keep on stating our case effectively—form outer defenses for what we have to do internally. In every measure the obligation is clear: to fulfill commitments our president, Vaira Vīķe-Freiberga, gave in Prague—“to do everything possible” (in fact and perception) that assures accession to NATO membership. The Baltics passed the entrance exam. Now, if their long-held hopes are to be realized, they must prepare for the finals.

Some of the subjects they must study for are obvious:

  • All NATO members are expected to spend something like 2 percent of GDP on defense (and security) preparations. Latvia currently spends about 1 percent. (That’s the same as Canada, where we can see problems caused by the shortfall.) Meeting guidelines means doubling the projected 2002 expenditures of LVL 80 million. As this is being written, the new Latvian government still has not put forth a 2003 budget, but we are told that all competitors in a fragile ruling coalition want something: deficit reduction, better health care, assistance for farmers, education, infrastructure improvements, environmental clean-up, and so on. Leadership will be needed to set priorities that cannot please every faction. Elimination of waste, bureaucracy and corruption will be essential. (This painful “poor performance” category in all East European countries will not be tolerated for long by their Western partners.)
  • NATO has running expenditures, covered by yearly dues and internal levies (in the form of duties members undertake and pay for themselves). The Baltics face more than the cost of maintaining national representation, or offices, in Brussels. It is not clear whether any “cost-plus” formula has been factored into future Latvian budgets, and when full-scale contributions to NATO will take effect. But there will be no free lunch. We cannot pretend to be in NATO, to enjoy the privileges of membership without shouldering our fair share of the load.
  • Baltic defense forces still have technical work to do in terms of bringing air, sea and ground units up to strength, in arming them properly, integrating militia formations, installing NATO-compatible command and control systems, improving communications networks, and so on. An emergency response capability (essential in border areas)—which can be plugged into overall NATO reaction mechanisms—is needed in all three countries. New and improved base facilities (protected by ground-to-air missile batteries) may be required in the event larger NATO forces need to use the Baltics as a staging point. All of these are big, no-nonsense budget items.
  • The Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks and subsequent events imposed a new layer of responsibilities on NATO members. Contributions to the “war on terror” are expected, above all by the United States, but implementation of stricter security measures does not run counter to Latvia’s own interests. Basics include mounting guard over strategic targets (airports, harbours, bridges, telecommunications, armed forces bases, government buildings, power generation, fuel depots and so on); establishing a closed, secure border with Russia (from Estonia through to Poland); given the invitation to join the European Union, tighter control of visitors, tourists, immigrants and migrants, which also means keeping watch on subversive and “unreliable” groups, their contacts, communications and fund-raising; re-vetting of key (not just military) personnel; improved security (at work, home, meetings, when traveling and communicating) for key decision-makers and their documents; a tough, new customs and goods-transit regime; police, anti-corruption and counter-intelligence agencies that can be trusted by their NATO and EU colleagues; and the list goes on. In all these areas we will have to perform up to serious standards. In some we will have to discard broken-down, discredited structures and start from scratch.
  • Appropriate technical training is a given. But refreshers and updates will be needed as new equipment, tactics and techniques come into play. More multilingual officers and noncoms will have to be pressed into service, not just for office work but also during field assignments with NATO forces, at home and abroad. As they are reorganized, the functioning of various command and response structures must be re-learned. Most important, however, will be the recasting of military personnel into responsible, western-style “soldier-citizens,” fully conversant with democratic values, committed to principled, ethical behaviour, and proud in that role. This approach stresses leadership by example, not rank or force. With the help of pro-active, open public relations, it demonstrates that the military is an integral part of society and gains the respect, support and confidence of citizens. It is not the Soviet model. Our NATO allies must feel that they are dealing with friends and neighbours, not semi-converted recent enemies.

It’s a formidable “to-do” menu. But, as the Baltics busily work the list, they should still keep an eye on special considerations.

Central here is the question, “What role does NATO expect each new member to play?” Clearly, the Baltics will not be contributing big divisions, airlift capability or high-tech armaments to the next NATO venture. What then?

The smart talk keeps mentioning specialization. In a world of special situations, what could that mean? BaltBat, for example, has gained peacekeeping experience in Bosnia. We could be peacekeepers. One observer was impressed by bomb disposal at the Ādaži base. (But do we want to become NATO’s bomb experts?) Another speculates that a key responsibility will be coastal radar (probably based in Pape) that looks down the throat of the Russian navy base at Kaliningrad. (That Cold War aberration will itself be an issue once it is firmly inside NATO borders, because Lithuania has no intention of maintaining a rail line across its territory for the benefit of Russians who have no historical connection with the region.) Then there are more exotic enterprises: Hungary has been asked (by the United States) to train exile Iraqis in secret “military matters,” presumably in anticipation of “regime change.” (How would we deal with similar requests, remembering Russian accusations that Latvia was training “Chechen terrorists”?) Certainly we will have to be reliable border guards once NATO swings its northeast flank 90 degrees clockwise.

So, it is not so simple. Which duties can we handle, which do we prefer? Do we have a full appreciation of consequences? Once the frontier with Russia is “hardened,” for example, do we understand that this in effect cancels our claim to the Abrene region, stolen by Stalin? Can (and how will) the three Baltic countries, together with Poland, establish smoother internal border protocols, now that all are destined to be NATO and EU members? Leftover Soviet-era commercial arrangements will have new security implications. How is Latvia going to handle transshipment of oil from Ventspils to Russia? (Should Latvians be guarding foreign-owned facilities?) What new policies will be applied to half a million unhappy non-citizens? A list of “What then?” circumstances and questions (with outlines for resolutions and answers) should be taking shape on strategic planning desks at various ministries so that there are no unpleasant surpises, and doomsayers are denied the pleasure of reminding us that we have bitten off more than we can chew.

Because, as President Vīķe-Freiberga said, “Everything has changed,” we have to change—for the better. And that will be our first repayment for the opportunity we have been given.

The Internet… and causes

“The best cause (still) requires a good pleader,” reads a Dutch proverb. “Huitang said: What has been long neglected cannot be restored immediately,” according to a letter to Master Xiang.

No, not “causes” as in reasons why the Internet continues to grow and sprout new ventures, but causes in the old-fashioned sense: concentrated campaigns around wrongs that should be righted; justice waiting to be done; dangers we must avoid; threats that call for reaction; initiatives we should rally to; bedrock principles we will defend. Surely the Internet, especially its powerful Web component, is tailor-made for illuminating and ventilating causes today, just as pamphlets, newspapers, books, radio and television were during earlier waves of technology-based mass communications. Why not, then, Latvian causes?

Do “at-home” and diaspora Latvians—together and sometimes in disagreement with each other—suffer from a shortage of painful, controversial causes? Hardly. The list, historical and current, is a long one. Do hostile and ignorant elements position their causes to discredit and attack ours via the Web? Constantly. Whether we like it, or not. Do we possess information that would refute such attacks and forcefully resent our own case? Certainly. Content is not an issue. Selecting, translating, arranging and displaying it on Web pages are essentially “mechanical” tasks. Not trivial, certainly, but no cosmic force stands in the way of getting them done.

Do we face serious technical obstacles in generating a response? Not one. Is expertise a problem? Not judging from the number and quality of Latvian Web sites. Is “campaign money” a concern? Not in the diaspora—when you look at amounts spent on “informing” in other (mostly ineffective) ways, especially by organizations with self-styled “mandates” to do this kind of work; and at expensive projects proposed to/supported by charitable foundations and funds. In Latvia nothing prevents appropriate government ministries from including modern “information objectives” in budget plans. Availability of means and resources is not an issue. But applying both intelligently—recognizing changing priorities and eliminating tolerance for delays (which translate into political damage) when provocation calls for response—is a strategy that continues to elude us.

Perhaps we lack a common approach. Most diaspora Web users are individuals and small enterprises, with organizations coming on board more recently. In Latvia PCs and Web links remain concentrated in the hands of government, its agencies, academic/educational institutions, businesses (and associated personnel). “Private users” are a minority, and hardware/Web access costs (together with unreliable communications in rural areas) will keep it that way for some time. So… while in the diaspora a small, enthusiastic Web community can see what is going on, and aims demands at its “representative” organizations to become more pro-active, there is no equivalent pressure in Latvia. There major sites (public and private) can promote their own separate agendas undisturbed, almost in isolation one from another. In this way we stand divided. Individuals are not in a position to mount and maintain large-scale public-issue Web servers, nor should they be asked to do so. Meanwhile, causes all of us have in common will not be served so long as potential “big guns” remain self-centered, silent and immobile.

Cause-wise, as Web gurus like to say, Latvians should and can be “players”. But we are not. Nothing prevents us from joining the fray. But we do not. There are many reasons to take advantage of how the Web can amplify our voices. But we tend to discount evidence of how others do so.

We know, or should know by now, that the Web can inform a potential audience of millions. Instantly. Around the world. Every day hundreds of thousands of individuals, organizations, trade associations, lobby groups, educational institutions and governments “present” themselves on the Web—through their products, services and programs. E-commerce is expanding rapidly. On a more abstract plane, news networks post reports, stories, digests and bits of analysis. There are sites dedicated to culture in various forms, popular entertainment, sports and special events. Some publish their own e-zines. A growing collection of archival and reference material—speeches, committee hearing transcripts, academic papers, legal verdicts, treaties, regulations, maps, resolutions, voting records/patterns, constitutions, research findings, statistics and so on—is available. Fire up that search engine, and away you go! Most of this content, though inviting “user response,” is meant for one-time consumption. There is no shortage of Latvian sites in all of the above categories. LatBits reviews them regularly.

Around the edges of this “mainline universe, however, there is a secondary galaxy of sites dedicated to projecting influence in the competition of claims and ideas. Make no mistake: there is such a competition. There always has been, only now it has found a new venue. An electronic Hyde Park is wide open to anyone who wants to get up on a soap box and dispense his/her particular brand of “truth,” ranging all over the lot from logical to outrageous, practical to extreme, theme-driven to consensus-building, vitriolic “rant” to pure gossip and smut. That “truth” could be—often is – -reaction to somebody else’s version of it.

Perhaps the best current example of the genre is the amazing variety of Y2K sites. On the one hand we have straightforward technical reports and fixes, government readiness evaluations, national and international coordination efforts, sober warnings about unsafe airports and so on. On the other—predictors of millennium doom, survivalists/bunker-builders, anti-technology humorists, scaremongers. Who to believe? Who to trust? Awash in contradictory “information,” we search desperately for reliable “knowledge.” Often, we end up with nothing but more questions.

This is the uncontrollable “dark side” of the Web. Rummaging around in it we begin to realize that basic assumptions can be questioned, every thesis elicits a dozen different responses, excited emotions can be mobilized, historical records can be edited and slanted to suit a particular purpose, selective arguments (and “facts”) can be used to mislead opinion and distort situations under scrutiny. It happens every day.

A year or two ago punching in “human rights+Latvia” as search keywords brought up a site hosted by a spectacularly naive U.S. university…apparently “academic friends” smoothed the way…where the contents turned out to be a one-sided whine about Russian migrant privileges in Riga, put together by a Russian-owned computer store in that city. Quelle surprise! I reported this “beacon of truth” in the series about Latvian Web sites that ran in Laiks at that time. The Latvian diplomatic service knew about it, had received complaints, and we discussed it. But the point is nobody (here, in Latvia) did anything to counteract this squirmy packet of lies when it floated to the surface as “legitimate” Web content. Suddenly—in a vacuum of our own making—the notion of universal “human rights” in Latvia had devolved to…“a Russian minority” being “oppressed.” We know where that “party line” originates. We grumble when it appears in print. But a poisonous flanking manoeuvre on the Web bypassed our positions entirely. Getting mad post-facto is useless. We should concentrate on getting even, and making sure events like this don’t happen again. What about Latvian human rights?

Our reputation and our causes are ours to take care of. Exclusively. No one else will do the job for us. If the Web can convey new threats, it can also offer new opportunities. We have to understand the way it works.

An accusation is made. A half-truth is posted. How many times have we read that “Latvians (as a nationality) are anti-semitic”? Against “minority rights”? “Secessionists” (from the collapsed Soviet Union)? “Separatists”? “Fascist sympathizers”? Whatever. Gradually repetition of phrases like these begins to take on a life of its own, fabrications start to look like “facts.” Why? Because there is nothing to challenge them.

I will elaborate later, but I put this proposition to readers now: we urgently need a Latvian Anti-Defamation League (LADL) with a Web site (or group of linked sites) that presents facts, skewers nonsense and is not afraid to point the finger at those who have done and are doing us harm. Self-respect demands nothing less. You will know that such a model already exists, operated by a nationality that takes its causes seriously.

Reality in “the global village” is stark and simple: if the Web is not working for you, it is probably working against you. In the absence of easily accessible countervailing “posted truths,” verification of Web-based claims takes effort. Individuals may “hunt” just a minute or two, equivalent to browsing a half-dozen simple Web pages (if they are properly indexed and can be found; there are so many now that Yahoo, Lycos and other search engines can keep up with, or “point to,” only 30 percent to 40 percent of thematic Web content). That effort may not be made at all—even in larger arenas, by organizations with major resources. Four years after Latvian independence was re-established, a flurry of e-mail messages to Canadian Broadcasting Corporation TV Sports was needed to dissuade its hockey commentators from continually calling Arturs Irbe a “Russian.” CBC resented “interference” in their “business,” ignorant though it was about one (to its staff) “small” point of fact.

This laziness and indifference—the natural mind-set of bureaucracies and mainstream media “outlets” nowadays—will prevail in the realm of serious issues…unless vigilant people sound the alarm, using all means at their disposal. “Balance” and “fairness,” long-held goals of democratic media to which we grant practically unrestricted liberties, become casualties in a milieu where the quick, loud and sensational grab the initiative—if “the other side” does not exercise its right of reply. That is not the way it should be, but that is the way it is. Initiative expands into advantage when mainstream media pick up “Web flashes” and report them as “actualities”. A correction notice on page 102 of the local paper, or angry letter to the editor (if published), will never undo the original error, or misconception, and the damage it has caused. First impressions remain. The Web hosts a fast-moving, bare-knuckles competition for “mind-share”—which spills over into other info-domains.

What bothers me personally and professionally is the fact that many Latvians continue to pretend that this Web dynamic has nothing to do with them, does not affect them. It does. It has. It will. Certainly “print culture” maintains a strong hold on older and middle generations. There is much to be said for the elegance of arguments made in persuasive language (even when ours is mangled in translation to English). But “leaving it to print,” with its built-in time delay and narrow audience, is not enough. Increasingly, there are other options, which should be explored. Abstaining is not one of those options. It is, rather, an expression of inertia and ignorance.

Meanwhile we continue to protest—mostly to each other—that “those people are blackening our name.” We say loudly—in small rooms, to sympathetic audiences—that “they don’t understand.” Someone exclaims, “That is a lie!”…without posting the truth as we claim it to be so that others can see it. We write long, futile letters to editors of our own papers…which those we complain about (and those judging us) don’t (and can’t) read. These tempests in our own little teapot are irrelevant. “Political” arms of organizations hold talks from which flow resolutions and press releases that sink without a trace once fax machines stop spinning. The diplomatic service of the Republic of Latvia has been stunningly absent in the public domain (of which the Web is a key component) where issues/causes important to us are raised, discussed and trashed every day. Then academic dissertations and books dryly analyze situations long past—for tight circles of “experts,” and for a “record” that matters only to ourselves. For practical, immediate purposes, it looks like Latvia (and Latvians) can offer no coherent point of view to outsiders, even when insulted and maligned.

The bottom line: Latvians are non-players on the world controversy stage—while opponents take pot shots at us and spread disinformation. We can all share the blame for this state of affairs. Sometimes diaspora Latvians enjoy the victim’s role too much, or have been too comfortable in it too long—expecting automatic understanding and sympathy. Experience should tell us that this habit is an illusion. In Latvia—so acquaintances say—many who could speak up shy away from doing so because their own actions (or inaction) as components of the departed soviet regime would come into play. But true democracy is not possible without responsible leadership. There can be no privileges without obligations.

Either way, the past doesn’t matter so much. Inaction and complaining—sports fans will understand the “woulda, coulda, shoulda” mentality—are losers’ habits. Our reputation and interests are ours to take care of. No one else will do the job for us. Only those who put their causes front and center first, forcefully, then again and again, get a hearing in the court of local and world opinion. Sun Tsu teaches that a well-defended position is not worth attacking. Let us establish that position. On the Web.

This is not an original concept. Some actively promoted causes should be familiar: Greenpeace, the National Rifle Association, anti-nuclear, anti-poverty, pro-environment (“green”) and famine relief coalitions, pensioner (“gray power”) and women’s rights organizations, Amnesty International, various “liberation” groups. These are “standing lobbies” (with Web sites) for advocating particular causes. Others come and go—like conflicting slav and muslim interpretations of what was happening in Bosnia. Still others lurk below the surface, ready to bubble up—for example, currents of neo-nazi and neo-communist activity. Old grievances—Kurdish, Armenian—never go away. Jews have used the Web to publize efforts aimed at tracking down those they consider to be war criminals. The domain of “human rights” offers a changing smorgasbord of who did what to whom, when, why, and who should be responsible for setting things right. A brand-new category is “anti-sites”: cleverly ironic, always nasty, these are set up by individuals and small groups to attack specific products, services and/or companies (as presented by their sites), even ideas or legislative proposals—because “no one there was listening.” That independent speaker’s soap-box again.

So…prepare a brew of percolating elements—strong group/ethnic interests, sharpened by selective points of view, a prejudice or two, particular “takes” on history, current events and issues of the day, a dollop of religion, suitable conspiracies/plots, a standing grievance, an old score that cries out for revenge, looming “enemies” and “traitors”, a laundry list of handy “proofs” and “refutations,” a seasoning of accusations—and you have a typical “cause” site. This is not to say that all causes are such volatile concoctions. Far from it. Many are tragically legitimate. Most should have been settled long ago. The point is that all have found a user-friendly home on the Web. It is the Web, now, that keeps them visible and alive. Scattered though supporters of a cause may be, they can have one common voice. One far-reaching “presence.” An “umbrella” under which adherents can gather.

I put it to you that Latvians, without further hesitation, should jump into this scrum with both feet. Let a strong, uncompromising LADL begin work and make its mark. We have nothing to lose and everything to gain. Actually, that is an imprecision. Positive work in this direction would erase a good portion of our “complaining habit”, re-activate a sense of shared responsibility and channel collective energies toward a result that says to others—so, you wanted to know…well, here it is, finally. Dispute and debate if you wish, but don’t say you had no idea where we stood.

In no particular order, then, here is a list of “Latvian causes,” or themes, that would make life more interesting. At the least, such a collection of material would save us having to find various bits and pieces over and over again, each time an occasion arises.

Crimes against the territory and people of Latvia:

  • German, Swedish, Polish, Russian colonization, exploitation
  • Sheremetyev’s expeditions
  • Peasant revolts, 1905
  • The World War I struggle for independence against Russian and German forces
  • The Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, and the aftermath
  • Drafting of troops in occupied territories by Nazis and Communists (contrary to the Geneva conventions)
  • Deportations (1941, 1947), These Names Accuse (in full)
  • Handing over of Latvian soldiers to Russia by Sweden
  • Theft of the Latvian gold reserve in London by the United Kingdom
  • The rule of terror (Gestapo and NKVD) liquidation of leadership figures, including President Kārlis Ulmanis
  • Abandonment of Eastern Europe (and the Baltics) to Russia by the West
  • Elimination of “national communists,” russification, dissidents
  • 50 years of Russian exploitation
  • Attacks by Mikhail Gorbachev’s OMON troops

The truth about “minorities” in Latvia:

  • Pre- and post-war demographics
  • Citizenship and language laws, compared to other European countries
  • FAQs and answers regarding the Holocaust in Latvia (reference Andrievs Ezergailis’ book of the same name)
  • Soviet “human rights” practices

The true nature of Russian “promises” and “openness”:

  • Vladimir Lenin’s repudiation of the czar’s USD 4.5 billion World War I debt
  • Jospeh Stalin’s trampling of the Latvian-Russian World War I peace treaty
  • Full text of the secret Molotov-Ribbentrop protocols
  • Soviet theft of land (Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Moldavia, then Poland—moved 100 km west)
  • Abdication of responsibilty for Soviet actions by “the new Russia”
  • Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Cuba, Afghanistan
  • Russian imperial ambitions and its “sphere of influence” (historically, and as granted by the West after World War II)
  • Continued Russian economic and political pressure
  • Soviet military and economic colonists—now abandoned by Russia (which still complains about their “rights”)
  • Chernobyl, Sverdlovsk and other disasters
  • the Gulag, for which no one, apparently, was responsible
  • Russian lawlessness and theft of International Monetary Fund aid

The question of World War II (and post-war) reparations owed to Latvia for:

  • Loss of life (victims of terror, repression, forced service in foreign armed forces)
  • Loss of property, and income from property
  • Loss of raw materials and resources
  • Loss of productivity refugees/exiles would have contributed
  • Forced Latvian labour in Russian and German camps, factories
  • Correcting sovietization of customs, language and culture
  • Scaling back forced industrialization, repairing environmental damage
  • Decommissioning and cleaning up ex-Soviet military installations
  • Fifty years of exporting its domestic product to the Soviet Union
  • Supporting a flood of unwanted migrants
  • Defacing and destroying national monuments, parks, archives, churches
  • Stolen land (Abrene) and property (embassy, legation buildings)

This section should make clear that Germany and Russia share responsibility for making reparations as the co-conspirators who destroyed the first Latvian Republic.

Reform in Latvia:

  • The first Republic, the Soviet era, the second Republic compared
  • Pro and con political, economic, social reform in various sectors
  • Reforms necessary for moving toward integration into the NATO defense alliance and the European Union
  • Conditions under which reforms can take place
  • Impediments to reform (bureaucracy, corruption, education, etc.)
  • Rebuilding a sense of citizenship and responsibility
  • Top priorities

The case for re-integration into Europe:

  • Latvia (the first Republic) in Europe, the League of Nations
  • Baltic and Scandinavian co-operation
  • The European Union
  • NATO
  • The basic need for security

Reference:

  • The Latvian constitution
  • Maps (from colonial to modern times)
  • A brief history
  • Economy
  • Language, culture and traditions
  • Appropriate government, business and cultural links
  • Text (or graphic) of the document that declares U.S. non-recognition of Latvia’s forcible incorporation into the Soviet Union
  • Latvians in exile—a concise history, achievements, organizations
  • The true, complete story of the strēlnieki
  • The true story of Latvian conscripts fighting on both sides in World War II

This list of causes and/or themes, of course, is not meant to be all-inclusive, or exclusive. The same goes for bulleted content items. Together, it is a v. 1.0 outline of elements in our “case.” One thing to remember, though, given that 80 percent of Web content/traffic is based on English, today’s lingua franca, is that any LADL compendium should be in English as well to achieve maximum audience “reach.” Latvian, Russian and French-language versions can come along later.

Well and good, you will say, but who should be responsible for mounting such a campaign? All of us are. Hold on! That doesn’t mean we should immediately start work, each in his/her own direction. To begin with, consider: looking at proposed content items, do not most of them already exist in one form or another, in public and private hands? In archives, museums, encyclopaedias, atlases? As parts of existing Web sites (and their downloadable files)? We can start by taking inventory and identifying missing pieces. Some will have to be (re)written and/or translated. Surely we have experts and academics (and entire institutes, organizations) who can do this. They may say—but I don’t know anything about writing for the Web (a different proposition than writing for print), or designing Web pages. Again, there are people who have these skills; they can “transform” existing material and make it appealing. It seems to me that gradually putting together content should not a major problem. We could think of it as an electronic “talka.” Yes, leadership and co-ordination will be needed. And historians can provide it in their domain, ecomomists in theirs, diplomats in theirs, graphic artists in theirs, and so on. It is mainly a question of focus and commitment.

Financing this work, hosting such a site (or sites), keeping contents current, establishing objective editorial control—this requires some “new thinking”. This cannot, should not be a private enterprise, with inevitable hidden agendas and personal axes to grind. A public-service task calls for public support, resources, and accountability. How much is the government of Latvia prepared to contribute? PBLA, LNAK, ALA, DV (out of their “information budgets”)? The Latvian Foundation? It does not always have to be straight-up cash. Experts can be paid (and some are already being paid) to research, write, design specific pieces. A business can underwrite the cost of establishing and maintaining several Web servers. Perhaps—in return for discreet advertising placements. Volunteers can collect response e-mail and identify comments worth analyzing. Members of foundations and organizations can ask (and vote for) better info-initiatives. Newspapers and community bulletins can spread the word. Creative, combinational possibilities are limited only by our imagination and willingness to co-operate. In the end, an 80/20 proportion will probably hold: content, the important component of such a project, will take 80 percent of time and resources, the technical component—20 percent. Further: within that critical 80 percent, considerable economies are possible via intelligent (re)use of existing (but scattered) material.

I should close with some remarks about the LADL concept. Do we need another, new, “formal” organization? No. Logically, this league should bring together active elements from “information departments” of the Latvian government, business and organizations already named above, with room for all comers, especially experts and volunteers—but never in a bureaucratic structure. The last thing we need is more meetings! Participation implies—also contributing means and resources. Doing actual work. Having a say (but not “the final word,” which is reserved for democratic consensus). Always serving the common (not the parochial, class, geographic or momentary political) interest. And it is entirely possible that some initiatives participants take on under the LADL “umbrella” would not quite fit under guidelines set out by their “home” organizations—so this could be an outlet for “sharper,” leading-edge work.

Naturally, many questions remain. There are no magic solutions. There will be procedural objections. But the idea that we can all be—and finally should be—“stake-holders” in telling our story effectively is important. It can be made real in practice. It is within our power to mobilize around a modern-day version of Draudzīgais aicinājums. Our ancient, common heritage and the challenges it faces in today’s world after all it has gone through and survived—our cause—can stand on the shoulders of new technology and make itself heard. Can demand answers. Can defend itself. Can bring us together. Can make us proud.

(Editor: This article originally appeared on the LatBits site.)