Šodien Latvijai ir piemiņas diena. Svētsvinīga, bet ne sērīga, – tā ir prieka diena, Un gluži kā šorīt, kad 11.novembra rīts uzausa ar sarkani asiņainu rītausmu, tā 11.novembra diena kļuva par sudrabotas saules apspīdētu kā atgādinājums mums, ka tās asinis, kas ir tikušas par Latvijas brīvību lietas, nav bijušas veltīgas, bet ir atnesušas mūsu valstij neatkarību un brīvību.

Šodien, 11.novembrī, mūsu varoņu piemiņas un Lāčplēša dienā, mēs dalāmies savās svinībās ar daudzām rietumu demokrātiskajām valstīm, taču precīzie notikumi, ko šī diena atceras, nav gluži vienādi. Demokrātiskā rietumu pasaule 1918.gada 11.novembri atceras kā dienu, kad plkst.11. vienpadsmitā mēneša vienpadsmitajā dienā tika noslēgts pamiers un beidzās I Pasaules karš. Tikai nedēļu vēlāk, 1918.gada 18.novembrī, Latvija proklamēja savu neatkarīgo republiku. Taču mums nebūt karš toreiz vēl nebija beidzies. Pēc Latvijas teritorijas tīkoja gan Vācijai lojāli spēki, kas cerēja pievienot Latviju Vācijai un kas pat iecēla Niedras nodevīgo valdību, cerot aizstāt 1918.gada 18.novembra dibināto Latvijas valdību. Uz austrumu un ziemeļu robežas bija vēl lielinieku spēki, kas taču starplaikā vēl paguva nodibināt Stučkas valdību un kuru mērķis nebija nekas cits kā pievienot komunistisku Latviju topošajai komunistiskajai Padomju Savienībai.

Bija vajadzīga drosme un ticība Latvijas suverenitātei un neatkarībai vairāk kā gada garumā, lai visgrūtākos iespējamos apstākļos bez apgādājuma un bez līdzekļiem, bez pietiekama apbruņojuma, tikai ar drosmi, sirdsdegsmi un pārliecību Latvijas tobrīd vēl topošie Bruņotie spēki spētu ar savām asinīm izpirkt Latvijai brīvību, atbrīvot Latvijas teritoriju no svešiem kara pūļiem un garantēt, ka 18.novembra republika patiešām varētu turpināt dzīvot.

Šī rudens saule, kas šodien mūs apmirdz, arī atgādina, ka šī brīvība ir dārga manta un ka mums viņa vienmēr tāda ir jāpatur sirdīs. Mūsu bērniem skolās visiem vajadzētu mācīt un zināt, kā tapa Latvijas valsts, par kādu cenu un ar kādām grūtībām. Katram skolas bērnam vajadzētu zināt, kādi varoņi bija tie, kas Latvijas brīvību izcīnīja. Šajā varoņu piemiņas dienā es aicinu tautu atcerēties arī visus tos Latvijas dēlus un vīrus, kas krituši dažādās kaujās bieži par nožēlu darot to ne Latvijas Bruņoto spēku, bet svešās uniformās, taču ar domu par Latvijas brīvību, ar vēlmi ar savu augumu stāties pretī pretspēkam, ko viņi saskatīja kā tajā brīdī lielāko Latvijas ienaidnieku.

Es aicinu tautu šajā brīdī pieminēt visu laiku varoņus no vissirmākās senatnes līdz pat neseniem laikiem, bet, protams, šī ir īpaša diena brīvības cīnītājiem, un tāpēc mēs šeit stāvam Brīvības pieminekļa priekšā, ko tauta uzcēla pati par saviem brīvprātīgi saziedotiem līdzekļiem.

Šodien plkst.11. mēs godinājām kritušos mūsu Brāļu kapos, un tur pie Mūžīgās uguns mēs ne tikai godinājām tos, kas guldīti zemes klēpī, tos, par kuriem raud Māte Latvija un tauta, kas zaudēja tik daudz dzīvā spēka, bet mēs redzējām arī, ka starp kapu rindām stāv mūsu tagadējo Bruņoto spēku kareivji, un viņi ir tie, kas ir pārņēmuši stafeti no saviem priekšgājējiem, un viņi ir tie, kas tagad var stāties kaujā ar Latvijas Bruņoto spēku uniformu mugurā un darīt to zem sarkanbaltsarkanā karoga.

Šajā dienā es arī aicinu tautu cienīt un godāt mūsu Bruņotos spēkus, kas ir izveidoti atkal kā toreiz, tikko neatkarību ieguvušiem, ar lielām pūlēm un pašaizliedzīgu darbu. Mēs šogad atsakāmies no senās tradīcijas, kad Bruņotie spēki sastāvēja no obligātās karaklausības kareivjiem.  Mēs tagad pilnībā pārejam uz profesionālu armiju, uz Gaisa spēkiem, uz Jūras spēkiem, un mēs tagad veidojam tādu kontingentu ar labi sagatavotiem profesionāļiem, kas var aizstāvēt valsti gan savās robežās, gan starptautisko operāciju ietvaros. Tie ir un paliek mūsu dēli un mūsu meitas, mēs Latvijā esam par viņiem lepni, es kā prezidente esmu par mūsu Bruņotajiem spēkiem it īpaši lepna. Viņi nav pārcilvēki, viņi nav nekādi Rembo, viņi ir cilvēki, bet mēs viņus audzējam un izglītojam, un veidojam par profesionāliem kareivjiem, un tādi viņi arvien vairāk kļūst. Mēs redzam, kā viņi ar katru gadu uzlabojas, un man kā prezidentei ir nācies dzirdēt tikai viscildinošākos atzinības vārdus par to, kādā līmenī ir spējīgi darboties tieši Latvijas Bruņoto spēku locekļi.

Mums, paldies Dievam, Latvijā nekad vairs nebūs jābūt tādā situācijā, kādā Latvija bija I Pasaules karā, un vēl sliktākā – II Pasaules karā. Mēs esam iekļāvušies visspēcīgākajā militārajā aliansē, kāda līdz šim ir dibināta, kas pusgadsimta garumā ir spējusi uzturēt mieru un stabilitāti tajās valstīs, kas ir tās locekles.

Mums būs tas gods pēc dažām dienām šeit pat mūsu sirmajā Rīgā uzņemt NATO alianses visus valsts un valdību vadītājus, kas tiksies šeit NATO galotņu sanāksmē. Tas ir vienreizējs un unikāls notikums, kas liecina par to, ka Latvija nav vairs pasaules vai Eiropas nostūris, Latvija vairs nav tāda zeme, kas, konfliktiem rodoties, tiks pamesta un aizmirsta savam liktenim, bet mēs esam tagad kopā plecs pie pleca kā sabiedrotie. Jebkuri draudi, kas mums draudēs, būs arī viņu draudi, jebkurš ienaidnieks, kas mums vēlēsies darīt pāri, būs arī viņu ienaidnieks, un mums būs tam jācīnās pretī ar kopējiem spēkiem.

Mūsdienu pasaulē tas nozīmē, ka par šo drošību, ko mēs saņemam, mēs sniedzam arī savus spēkus pretī. Pasaule ir kļuvusi par tādu, kur tas, kas notiek vienā pasaules malā, iespaido to, kas notiek citās. Mēs esam daļa no globālās pasaules, bet tajā mēs ieejam kā līdzīgs ar līdzīgu un ar stipriem sabiedrotajiem pie sāniem.

Mums tagad ir iespēja savu dārgi izcīnīto brīvību sargāt, veidot savu valsti pēc savām domām un pārliecības, pēc saviem ideāliem, un es novēlu, lai šajā darbā ikviens latvietis jūtas, ka tas ir viņa pienākums, un tas prasa tikpat lielu drosmi un apņēmību kā karavīram kara laukā. Ikdienas dzīve un darbs arī ir cīņa, kas prasa drosmi un sirdsdegsmi, un nodošanos. Ja mēs visi būsim spējīgi atdot savus darbus, savas pūles Latvijas labā, tad tā mūžam zels un plauks. Lai Dievs mums uz to palīdz! Dievs, svētī Latviju!

Es sveicu PBLA šajā skaistajā apaļajā 50 gadu jubilejā! Kā Valsts prezidente vēlos izteikt visaugstāko atzinību tam, kas pusgadsimta sūra un grūta darbā ir paveikts, un novēlēt, lai tie mērķi un ideāli, kas vadīja šo organizāciju tās dibināšanas brīdī, kas vadīja to cauri daudziem un ilgiem smaga darba gadiem, lai tie paliek ar visiem, kas tajā darbojās, lai tie palīdz organizācijai pielāgoties arvien mainīgai pasaulei un jauniem apstākļiem, atrast sev jaunus darba laukus, bet vairāk par visu – spēt kaut daļu no sava sajūsmas, patriotismu un sirdsdegsmes nodot tai jaunajai latviešu paaudzei, kas tagad dodas pasaules vējos pavisam citos apstākļos un citu apsvērumu vadīti, nekā tie ļaudis un viņu pēcnācēji, kas bija PBLA veidotāji.

Ilgus gadu desmitus PBLA pārstāvēja latviešus brīvā pasaulē, bet latviešus bez savas zemes, bez savas Latvijas. Tad varējām dziedāt ar Raiņa vārdiem: “Zeme, zeme, kas tā zeme, ja tev savas brīves nav; brīve, brīve, kas tā brīve, ja tev savas zemes nav.” Tiem, kas dzīvoja Latvijā, nebija brīvības, viņiem bija viss cits. Mums plašajā pasaulē bija brīvība, bet pietrūka tas viss, ko dod sava tēvu, senču zeme zem kājām, ko dod vide, kurā par spīti svešas okupācijas apstākļiem cilvēki bija nemitīgā kontaktā ar saviem tautiešiem, kur ikdienas norises notika pašiem savā dzimtajā valodā. To ir grūti saprast tiem, kas to nav piedzīvojuši, bet tagad diemžēl arvien vairāk latvieši izvēlas tieši šo ceļu, kaut arī tas nemaz nav tik viegls, kā varbūt sākumā šķiet.

PBLA apvienoja tos, kuri bija aktīvisti latvietības uzturēšanā ilgstošas trimdas apstākļos. Tādas trimdas apstākļos, kurai ļoti ilgus gadus nebija ne mazāko cerību, nekādu reālu saskatāmu iespēju, ka tā drīzumā varētu beigties. Un tik tiešām trimdā aizgāja un arī nomira vairākas paaudzes. Ar paaudzi mēs domājam tos ļaudis, kas zināmā posmā ir savā dzīvē bijuši aktīvi, kas īstenībā pat neredzēja brīvas Latvijas atdzimšanu, bet visu savu atlikušo mūža daļu viņi ticēja saviem ideāliem, kas bija brīvas Latvijas veidošanas pamatā. Viņi turpināja strādāt latvietības saglabāšanai ar domu, ka tas, ko viņi saglabās, tie ļaudis, ko viņi izaudzinās par latviešiem, visas tās nākamās paaudzes, kādu dienu nezināmā tālā nākotne varēs atdot latviešu tautai to, ko tā bija zaudējusi līdz viņu vecāku vai vecvecāku aiziešana trimdā. Jo tautas dzīvais spēks ir visi tie, kas ir dzimuši latvieši, un viņu pēcnācēji. Tautas dzīvais spēks mums ir ļoti smagi cietis 1905. un 1906.gada revolūcijā, I pasaules kara laikā un Brīvības cīņās, II pasaules kara laikā un tam sekojušajās represijās un deportācijās un arī šajā brīvprātīgajā trimdā aiziešanā. Arī trimdā aiziešana iecirta dziļu robu Latvijas dzīvajā spēkā. Manuprāt, tas varēja būt viens no iemesliem, kamdēļ tik ļoti dziļi un ar tik lielu sirdsdegsmi tik daudz ļaužu trimdas gadu laikā sīksti turējās pie savas latvietības ar dziļu patriotismu. Jāsaka, ka tās nebija tikai organizācijas un tāda jumta organizācija kā PBLA, kas tiešām bija kā jumts ēkai, kuras pamati bija jebkurā vietā, kur sapulcējās vairāk kā divas vai trīs latviešu ģimenes, kas spēja savā starpā kontaktēties, satikties, censties uzturēt savā starpā dzīvu latvisko garu, atcerēties, piemēram, 18.novembri un līdzīgas svinības lai kādā pasaules malā arī atrastos.

Vēlos izteikt savu atzinību visiem tiem indivīdiem, kas, katrs varbūt būdams pat viens pats latvietis savā pilsētiņā, dzīvodams tālu no citiem latviešiem, atrada sev kādu darbošanās veidu, caur kuru viņš nāca ar savu pienesumu latvietības saglabāšanai. Es domāju, piemēram, par Biezaišu pāri, kuri tālajā Austrālijā krāja latvisko mūziku gan nošu, gan dažādu koncertu un informācijas formā, es domāju par izdevēju Dānijā, kas viens pats salika 12. dainu sējumus un vēl daudzas vērtīgas grāmatas – cilvēks, kurš strādāja smagu maizes darbu dienā un vakaros pats savām rokām neskaitāmiem sējumiem salika burtus, izdeva un izplatīja šīs grāmatas pasaulē. Es domāju, par izdevniecība “Daugava”, kas izdeva kapitāla darbus un musināja un mudināja mūsu vēsturniekus sarakstīt šos daudzos mūsu vēstures krājumos. Te jādomā par visiem tiem skautu, gaidu un guntiņu vadītājiem, par mācītājiem, kas nenogurstoši, bieži bez atalgojuma vai par ļoti mazu atalgojumu braukāja pat ļoti lielus attālumus, lai varētu sniegt garīgo kalpošanu latviešu draudzēm. Domāju par visām tām dāmām, kas pagatavoja neskaitāmas pusdienās un vakariņās, nāca pašas ar saviem produktiem, cepa un vārīja, piemēram, es atceros, pie Toronto vasaras mēnešu neciešamajā karstumā bērnu nometnē – dāmas nāca sava atvaļinājuma laikā un milzīgā karstumā cepa un vārīja, lai latviešu bērni varētu pulcēties nometnē un savā starpā arī mazliet latviski sarunāties šādā latviskā vidē. Te mēs runājam par milzīgu, neskaitāmu, varētu teikt, entuziastu armiju, kurā katrs savā veidā nāca ar savu pienesumu.

1959.gadā, es atceros, tika nolemts, ka jaunatnei vajadzīgi īpaši pasākumi, jo ne visi tie, kas bija standarta pasākumi, visus spēja pieaicināt un sajūsmināt, un tā tapa pirmie Jaunatnes svētki, vēlāk bija Jaunatnes dziesmu svētki un 2×2 nometnes. Tās izskoloja ļoti daudzus sabiedrībā vēl šodien darbojošos aktīvistus savā latvietības aspektā, un viņi pilnveidoja to, ko viņi katrs bija guvuši savā, tā varētu teikt, latviskajā ciemā, pagastā vai pilsētā. Tas bija milzīgs ieguldījums.

Katras valsts nacionālā apvienība centās savākt šo rosību kopā, lai būtu viens reprezentatīvs pārstāvis, kas varētu būt kā dialoga partneris tieši politiskā plāksnē, jo viss cits bija sabiedriski nozīmīgs. Šajā jomā nozīme bija katras valsts nacionālajai apvienībai un beigās kā jumta organizācijai PBLA. Man šķiet, es nemaldīšos sakot, ka tieši laikā, kad Uldis Grava pārņēma šo organizāciju tika izvirzīta šī vēlme starptautiskos notikumos nākt tieši ar PBLA kā organizāciju un tās politisku pieprasījumu, kas uzstāda politiskas prasības un atgādina par Latvijas neatkarības tiesībām starptautiskās likumības priekšā un kas arī spēj sadarboties ar citām organizācijām, kas risina šādus jautājumus. Toreiz bija Amerikā apspiesto tautu dienas, nopietna sadarbība tāpat bija Kanādā un citās zemēs ar visām valstīm, kas cieta zem komunisma jūga un nebija brīvas.

Tagad mums ir brīvi latvieši un arī brīva Latvija. Daudzi no šiem brīvajiem latviešiem brīvi izvēlas savu brīvo Latviju atstāt un meklēt laimi citās zemēs. Savā ziņā man kā prezidentei ir skumji to vērot, tāpat kā daudziem citiem, bet tas ir tieši tas mērķis, uz ko mēs tiecāmies – mēs tiecāmies uz brīvu Latviju, kurā ir brīvi cilvēki ar brīvu izvēli. Un tagad mums ir ar to jādzīvo.  Kā mēdz sacīt: “Esiet uzmanīgi ar to, pēc kā jūs ilgojaties, jo var gadīties, ka tieši to arī saņemsiet.” Mēs ilgojāmies brīvību un to arī saņēmām, un tagad ar šo brīvību mums ir jādzīvo – jādzīvo ar brīvību un tiesībām izvēlēties, par ko mēs balsosim vēlēšanās, un arī līdz ar to jāuzņemas līdzatbildību par to, kas valstī notiek. Nevaram vairs teikt – mūsu valstī viss iet greizi un šķībi, tamdēļ, ka sveša vara pār to valda un viss tiek darīts nepareizi tādēļ, ka svešiniekiem nerūp mūsu intereses. Mums tagad ir jāsaprot, ka mūs pašu ļaudis pār šo valsti valda, mūsu pašu ļaudis izvērtē, kam būs izdevība to darīt, viņiem ir arī šī brīvība un tiesības viņus atsaukt gan pašvaldību, gan Saeimas vēlēšanās. Ir iespēja izteikties. Varbūt nav iespēja saņemt garantijas, ka deputāts, par kuru ir balsots, visu četru gadu garumā darīs visu jums pa prātam, valstij par labu vai kaut vai loģiski un ar veselo saprātu. Tas gluži tik vienkārši nav. Taču šī izvēle ir, brīvība ir, un tas ir tas, pēc kā visus šos garos gadu desmitus mēs ilgojāmies.

Iestājoties Eiropas Savienībā (ES), mēs arī sev prasījām brīvību -, lai šī ES būtu brīvu valstu kopiena, kur visi var brīvi pārvietoties, sniegt savus pakalpojumus, saņemt pakalpojumus, lai būtu brīva gan preču, gan līdzekļu, gan arī ļaužu plūsma. Paši mēs to vēlējāmies. Negribējām, lai Latvija paliek aiz dzelzs aizkara, gribējām, lai tā būtu atvērta pasaules vējiem. Tagad Latvija ir atvērta pasaules vējiem, pakļauta globalizācijas iespaidiem, robežas ir vaļā un ļaudīm ir brīvība un tiesības doties projām, ja viņi to vēlas. Šī brīvība mums uzliek arī izaicinājumus un pienākumus. Tā ir brīvības cena. Es uzskatu, ka ir vērts šo cenu maksāt, šī cena ir kaut kas, ko bija vērts visus šos gadu desmitus gaidīt. Brīva Latvija – tas ir bijis mūsu mērķis, mūsu pienākums, to veidot. Mūsu tagadējais mērķis un pienākums ir gādāt, lai šī brīvā Latvija tik tiešām visas izdevības, ko brīvība tai sniedz, spētu izmantot, likt tās lietā un varētu attīstīties zelt un plaukt.

Es novēlu visiem tiem, kas dzīvo Latvijā, tiem, kas dzīvo tuvās un tālās zemēs, paturēt prātā to mērķi par mūsu Latviju, par brīvu Latviju par to Latviju, kuru mēs visi – Jūs, es un visi citi –  veidojam kopā. Lai Jums visiem veicas!

It is with deep emotion that I stand before you within these august walls and thank you for the honor of addressing you on behalf of the Latvian people.

I believe this honor to be bestowed upon me in recognition of Latvia’s strivings, sacrifices and extraordinary success in transforming itself from a captive nation under the yoke of a foreign totalitarian regime into a reestablished democracy with a flourishing market economy.

Fifteen years ago Latvia, along with neighboring Estonia and Lithuania, regained its independence after 50 years of Soviet occupation. The Baltic Singing Revolution achieved this by non-violent means, by the sheer courage and determination of the peoples of these countries. They were ready to face Soviet guns and tanks with nothing but their unarmed bodies and the deep conviction of their rights, knowing full well that, at any moment, these guns and tanks might crush them as they had crushed so many before.

After the collapse of the once powerful Soviet empire, Latvians at long last recovered their fundamental rights and freedoms. They regained the right to forge their own destiny; they recovered the freedom to shape their own future.

Far too long the Iron Curtain had kept Europe divided and the nations of the world confronted each other in two opposing camps. We thank the Lord that these times are behind us at last. Dozens of nations have gained or regained their sovereignty. For them, right has triumphed over might, courage has overcome fear, and dignity has replaced humiliation and oppression.

The wave of freedom and democratic reform has been spreading throughout Central and Eastern Europe, extending from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea and into the Caucasus. One country after another, with the sad exception of Belarus, has been making a commitment to democracy, and has accepted the need for the rule of law and the respect of human rights.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, distinguished Members of Congress, it is an honor and a pleasure to be addressing you as the elected representatives of a great country, a mighty world power that has achieved its greatness by building its house on the solid rock of democracy. The United States of America has remained ever faithful to Lincoln’s goal of having a government of the people, for the people and by the people.

Born 230 years ago, your great nation has grown strong by being a warm and welcoming Mother of Exiles as well as a land of hope and opportunity for its own sons and daughters. Among the exiles received in America, there were many Latvians who had fled their native land at the end of the Second World War.

Latvia remains grateful to the United States for opening its doors to a good many of these Latvian exiles, who gained the right to live here in peace, justice and liberty, while many of their relatives back home in Latvia suffered oppression and brutal persecutions. They quickly became loyal and patriotic American citizens and productive members of your society, many achieving positions of distinction and responsibility.

Latvia remains grateful to the United States for the firm refusal to recognize the illegal occupation of the three Baltic countries. Along with the other formerly captive nations of Central and Eastern Europe, we thank America for its steadfast and courageous stand on freedom and democracy.

You were instrumental in assisting Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania in the withdrawal of former Soviet troops from their territories. The U.S.-Baltic Charter of Partnership of 1998 gave direction to our common goal and vision of the Baltic States joining Euro-Atlantic institutions. We recall the unanimous vote by the U.S. Senate in support of the latest enlargement of NATO. Since then the United States has helped to ensure the collective defense of the Baltic air space. For all this we are grateful.

Latvia has had the honor of receiving two American presidents since recovering its independence: President Clinton in 1994 and President Bush last year. We look forward to receiving President Bush again this fall, when the 2006 NATO Summit convenes in Rīga. We count ourselves fortunate to have the United States of America as a true friend and trusted ally.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, distinguished Members of Congress, I stand before you as a former exile, who has had the rare privilege of returning to her native land, free and independent again; a former exile who has had the deep satisfaction of helping her country rise like a phoenix from the ashes of oppression. I am the representative of a resilient and stubborn nation whose people have struggled against all odds to preserve their ancient heritage, maintain their language alive and remain true to their national identity. It has been indeed a privilege to lead this nation while it recovered its rightful place among the world community of free and democratic countries.

The road has not been easy. Renewing independence was just the first step. We still had to rebuild a country, not just starting from scratch, but only after clearing away the rubble left by the previous system. Just 15 years ago we had to make the transition from a stagnant, state-planned, command economy to a workable, liberal free-market economy. It was a formidable challenge. While we were fortunate in regaining our independence without significant bloodshed, our inhabitants paid a heavy economic and social price for their freedom. They were ready to do so, because they understood that this was an investment in a better future.

Overcoming years of constant change, uncertainty and adaptation, Latvia has become a success story—an unfinished story by all means, especially as concerns the standard of living of our people, but a success story nevertheless. Last year Latvia’s economy grew by more than 10 percent, and this year my country continues to maintain the highest economic growth rate on the European continent. We are on our way, ready to share our experience and pass it on to others.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, distinguished Members of Congress, what has helped Latvia and its Baltic neighbors succeed where so many others are failing, in spite of not just years, but decades, of help and encouragement of every kind?

It was above all the faith of the Baltic nations in the values of freedom and of democracy. It was their firm and irreversible determination to build a new and better future for their children and grandchildren. They wanted to rejoin the free world from which they had been cut off for half a century.

What urged us on was our ardent desire to make up for lost time, and to catch up to those Western European countries that had enjoyed the freedom of growing and thriving ever since the end of the Second World War. The desire to join NATO and the European Union became a force driving us forward, as strong as the force driving us away from the past under Soviet dictatorship. This clear sense of purpose allowed us to transform our institutions and to reform our economy.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, distinguished Members of Congress, the challenge, ever since the fall of the Soviet empire and the breakup of the former Yugoslavia, has been to rebuild a Europe whole and free, a Europe free of dividing lines, of feudal dependencies, of imperialist spheres of influence, a Europe free from bloodthirsty ideologies and from murderous fanatics. We need a Europe without walls, barriers, exclusion or prejudice—a Europe in which every nation would be afforded equal dignity and would be treated with equal respect. All Europeans after all are part of the same Old Continent, and all of them need to work together to make it eternally new.

Such a Europe is not and must not be a counterforce to the influence of the United States. It is and must continue to be an ally and a partner. All Europeans share the fundamentals of the same broad cultural heritage, a heritage that is also shared by Americans.

This heritage includes outstanding achievements as well as resounding failures. A common European space of peace and stability, of economic growth and prosperity is the best guarantee that the Europe of the 21st century will never again repeat the errors and the horrors of the 20th. We have seen the depths to which Europe could sink as well as the heights to which it could rise. Never again should we allow such horrors as the Holocaust to be repeated. We need to aim for the heights and to help each other achieve them.

Yet it is perfectly true that Latvia, along with other Central and Eastern European countries, feels a special bond of friendship and affinity with the United States. We might again admit it. We, who had lost our liberty, look to those who are ready to defend it. But if the bond of trust and friendship between the United States and the newer members of the European Union and of NATO is to be deepened, strengthened and maintained, we do need more face-to-face contacts between our peoples, we need more possibilities of visits and of mutual exchanges. I trust that the U.S. Congress will find a nondiscriminatory solution for extending the Visa Waiver Program to all its allies in a united Europe. Such a step would be broadly welcomed as a signal of growing maturity in the alliance between our nations.

We are partners, even though we differ in size, in influence, in power, in resources. We are partners even while having different opinions on certain issues—that, after all, is the whole point of living in democracies. Any disagreements must not steer us off our common course of consolidating peace and security in the world.

My country sees Europe’s transatlantic partnership with the United States as essential for our common security as well as for maintaining security in the world at large. The United States has been a trusted partner whenever European liberties were endangered and proved it through the sacrifice of the lives of its soldiers. Throughout the decades of the Cold War, Western Europe was kept safe under the protection of NATO and through the significant role of American military capability.

This coming November, Latvia will host the 2006 NATO Summit in its capital city of Rīga. This will be a summit about the rejuvenation and the transformation of NATO, which remains the most powerful and effective military alliance in the world. We need a strong and vibrant alliance, able to face up effectively to the challenges of our age. The nature of threats may change, but the danger they pose does not.

NATO is not only about protecting its members within their own borders. We are ready to work closely with the United States and other willing partners to aid those strife-ridden countries whose fragility is a bane for their own people and a threat to the rest of the world. Right now Latvia is contributing to international peacekeeping operations in Iraq, in Afghanistan, in Bosnia, in Kosovo and elsewhere. Latvia’s contribution is proportionately one of the largest in the world, in terms of the country’s size and available financial means.

From its very inception, NATO has been more than just a military alliance. That is why more and more nations are expressing their desire to join it. We support the strivings for freedom, democracy and the rule of law of countries struggling with the after-effects of imposed totalitarianism. Latvia supports Ukraine and Georgia in their endeavors to establish closer relations with NATO. We encourage the member states of the alliance to formulate concrete and enhanced forms of cooperation between NATO and these two countries at the Rīga summit. We firmly believe that an open door policy must be maintained for the admittance of future member states.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, distinguished Members of Congress, one nation, with which Latvia shares a common border, as well as a complicated history, is Russia.

Last year marked the 60th anniversary of the end of the Second World War. This victory brought freedom to one half of Europe, but not to the other. After being Hitler’s partner for two years, Stalin had joined the Allies in ridding Europe of this bloodthirsty tyrant. In recognition of that role and in homage to the immense losses and casualties that the Russian people endured during the Second World War, I accepted the invitation of the president of the Russian Federation and traveled to Moscow on May 9th of last year.

But I also pointed out that this victory over one despot still kept the other one in power. For the people of Latvia, one foreign occupation was only replaced by another. No one gained freedom under Stalinist tyranny and the oppression of totalitarian Communism. This is not rewriting history. These are plain facts. The simple acknowledgement and recognition of them would go a long way toward strengthening trust, understanding and good neighborly relations between our nations.

Latvia, for its part, stands ready for developing a friendly, future-oriented and pragmatic relationship with Russia as an important neighbor of the European Union and of NATO. We stand ready for an active and meaningful political dialogue, based on mutual respect, noninterference and the true respect for human rights.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, distinguished representatives of the American people, as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, the United States of America has a crucial role to play in the international arena. The United States has been a beacon of liberty ever since its foundation. The United States has become a world power by giving free rein to the creativity, the initiative and the energy of its people, by fostering the entrepreneurial spirit. But the United States has become a world leader only to the extent that it has not been indifferent to the fates, the aspirations and the opinions of other nations.

For if no man is an island, neither is any country alone and self-sufficient. All of us, large and small, we are interlocked, intertwined and interdependent. If we want peace in the world, if we want international cooperation, persuasion is as important as imposition by force. Smaller and weaker nations want to be meaningfully included in decisions that will affect us all. They want to be respected. When they clamor for multilateralism, nations are really saying, “Listen to me! I too want to be heard!”

Of course among all this clamor, it may be hard to find a common denominator, it is not always easy to achieve a common purpose. We see this all too clearly in the difficulties that the United Nations are experiencing in bringing about all the reforms agreed to in principle during the General Assembly of their 60th anniversary year.

As a special envoy of the secretary general on the reform of the United Nations last year, I was pleased that the General Assembly managed to agree in principle on the necessity for sweeping and fundamental reforms. The new Peace-building Commission was created, which we need for diffusing long-lasting conflicts. Too often in the past, the United Nations has been unable to prevent genocide and lasting bloodshed: in the Congo, in Rwanda, in the former Yugoslavia and now in the Darfur region of Sudan.

One of the United Nations’ fundamental roles lies in the defense of human rights. The newly created Human Rights Council must become more credible and more effective than the Commission that preceded it. Its best way to gain credibility would be by starting with a thorough and unbiased evaluation of the human rights record of its own newly elected Council members.

Only through a concerted international effort based on consensus and cooperation will the world community be able to overcome a number of other pressing global challenges. The degradation of our planet’s environment is truly a global problem, as is the spread of epidemic disease. Most dangerous of all is the continuing and growing gap between the developing and developed nations. The great divide between North and South, between haves and have-nots is as dangerous as the divide between Eastern and Western blocs ever was during the Cold War. We have to do our utmost to reach the U.N.’s Millennium Goals of reducing poverty in the developing world.

Brutal and unremitting poverty is a scourge, unsolved in spite of decades of massive international aid and countless well-meant programs. Clearly, the quality of governance in aid-receiving countries has a crucial role to play, as well as their readiness to foster reforms and start progress. But the quality of aid-providing efforts also needs to be improved. We need better international coordination of results-oriented programs, which should be constantly monitored for their effectiveness.

The world-wide spread of terrorism as well as the growing signs of intolerance and xenophobia in many countries underscore the urgent world-wide need for a meaningful and sustained “Dialogue of Civilizations.” As already recognized at the Millennium General Assembly of the United Nations, our common goal is to overcome the prejudice, misperceptions and polarization that stand as barriers to better understanding and consensus among the members of different races, religions and cultures.

Due to the enormous importance of nuclear nonproliferation, the world’s democracies should maintain a coherent position regarding the nuclear program of Iran. We welcome the recent joint initiatives by the United States, the U.N. Security Council and the European Union to offer a constructive solution to the Iranian nuclear issue, and hope that the Iranian leadership will respond in kind.

The long-standing conflict in the Middle East remains a major source of world tensions. We fully empathize with the desire of the Jewish people to live on their ancestral land in security and at peace with their neighbours. We also wish to see a free and prosperous Palestinian state co-exist peacefully side-by-side with the state of Israel. For this to be achieved, the Hamas-led Palestinian administration must abide by previously signed international agreements. There is no other way.

Education could play an important role in immunizing our societies against the dangers of extremism and prejudice. Children should not be raised in hatred; societies should have more constructive goals than the endless cultivation of grievances and the stark division of the human race into “us” and “them.”

Every society has experienced some dark events in its history, at times as victim, at others as perpetrator or collaborator. We must inform our children of our past mistakes, so that these may never be repeated again. An objective evaluation of the legacy of the past will free us to address the challenges of the future. We in Latvia believe in the importance of research, remembrance and education, even on the most sensitive issues. This includes the crimes of the Holocaust while Latvia was under Nazi German occupation, as well as the crimes committed in the name of Communism under the Soviet occupation regime.

It is also the duty of each country to preserve its historic, cultural and religious heritage. Latvia is a country with a multiethnic and multireligious mosaic. We are proud of our ethnic communities and of the contribution that their sons and daughters have made to Latvia’s human, economic and cultural development. As a pluralistic and flourishing democracy, we enjoy freedom of religion and have been gradually renewing the houses of worship of different faiths, including the many in communist times desecrated Lutheran churches. Soon after recovering our independence, we received a visit by Pope John Paul II. Last month, the patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church, Aleksey II, paid a historic visit to my country. Just recently, with the support of the U.S. government and the family of the late, Latvian-born painter Mark Rothko, I attended the re-consecration ceremony of a reconstructed Jewish synagogue in the city of Daugavpils.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, distinguished Members of Congress, fanaticism and extremism remain a scourge of humanity, as they have been for many centuries. Violence and hatred continue to plague many nations and block their road to achieving progress. Greed, opportunism and brute force oppress many peoples and deny them the most basic of rights. Yet, just as clearly, the world also knows charity, compassion and the desire for kindness. Human beings everywhere are capable of change and change for the better.

Again and again in history we have seen the victory of freedom over tyranny, exploitation and chaos. It may take decades, as it did for Latvia, but we did gain the freedom that is ours by right. We know the value of freedom, and feel compassion for those who are still deprived of it. We know the price of freedom, for we have paid for it, and would be ready to do it again and again.

Every nation on earth is entitled to freedom. It is a dream that must be kept alive, no matter how long it takes, or how hard it is to achieve. We must share the dream that someday, there won’t be a tyranny left anywhere in the world. We must work for a future where every nation will have thrown off the shackles of injustice and of oppression, and every person on earth will enjoy the same rights and liberties that now are the privilege of the more democratic and the more developed countries. It will take time, it will take effort, but it must happen. And it will happen all the sooner, the better we learn to work for it and plan for it, all of us—large and small—together.