Peter B., yes, that’s a good overview of the old Roman fasces. The issue, however, was a definition of “fascist,” in the political sense that came into existence only in the twentieth century. If the criterion is use of the fasces as a symbol, as far as I know only the Italian followers of Il Duce, did that, so only they would be fascists. But of course the word is used and abused much more widely than that. My point was that the academic specialists in the relevant parts of polisci have not been able to provide a generally accepted definition; so when Vlad P. and his minions say that if Latvians want citizens of their country to speak Latvians, or if Estonians move a statue, it means that fascism is reviving in those countries, we may know it is nonsense, but we don’t have a standard definition of fascism on the basis of which we could refute him. I am no fan of KU, but, liking clear criteria, I avoid calling him a fascist because it will be misunderstood by the uniformed and misused by the malicious.
And I must say that those of us who condemn his seizure of power, cult of personality, and bungling of the crisis of 1939-1940 need also to allow that he played an important role as a founding father of the country and democratic leader before the coup, and that he died as something of a martyr, so the picture is not as black or white as his either admirers and at least some of his detractors believe. Roberts is too determined to air the evils of the dictatorship to acknowledge that *some* of the reasons why he still has so many admirers are valid.
The new history of Latvia claims that “The May 15th régime was the most authoritarian in the Baltics and possibly in all of Eastern Europe.” Really? Compared with Antonescu? Compared with Pavelić? The evil that men do lives after them; the good is oft interred with their bones. I’m pleased to see the whitewash coming off, but let’s not get carried away.
Bruno, Peteris was *not* inconsistent in maintaining that he was an alarmist and that he concealed Soviet crimes; he was an alarmist in exaggerating the danger in 1934--no one else was about to seize power and abrogate the constitution--and he did indeed censor news of Stalin’s crimes, including the murder of thousands of Latvians resident in the USSR. One can discuss how consistent KU’s actions were, but there is no inconsistency in describing them accurately.
And, Peter B., I still want much more specificity and detail about the political prisoners under KU. (I have met several of them myself many years ago, but never got to discuss the issue with them, and they are now deceased.) My impression is just what you say--several hundred, mostly for short periods. But I also know that some were imprisoned for three years, and I would like to have facts and figures, not generalities.
Stephen
